Mass Deception on Mass Violence: The Case of Serbs
Piotr Bein, paper prepared for the International Comparative Genocide Research project of the Hiroshima City University, 2009
Croatia: Ustaša tradition
Operations Storm and Lightning
Double standard for Holocaust deniers
Political pressure and NGOs
Kosovo: old race hatred
From Illyria to Greater Albania
Operation Allied Force
March 2004 pogroms
ICTY and the term genocide
Dehumanize and criminalize
Covert action and economic sanctions
PR firms and NGOs
Cross-case and research-related
Keywords Bosnia, covert action, Croatia, demonization, ethnic cleansing, gendercide, genocide, Holocaustianity, infowar, intervensionism, Kosovo, legalistic warfare, neocons, NGO, Srebrenica, Yugoslavia
a. Date convention: x.y.z, where x = day, y = month, z = year. Example: 24.3.1999 = March 24, 1999.
b. Phonetic equivalents of Serbo-Croatian letters: ć = soft ch, č = ch, š = sh, đ = dj, ž = zh.
c. Titles of references are truncated.
BiH Bosnia and Herzegovina
BND Bundesnachrichtendienst (German secret service)
D&FA Defense & Foreign Affairs Strategic Policy (publication)
FYROM Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
GWOT global war on terror
ICJ International Court of Justice
ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia
ISSA International Strategic Studies Association
JNA Yugoslav National Army
JPC Judeocentric Power Complex
KFOR NATO-led international occupation forces in Kosovo
KLA Kosovo Liberation Army
MEP member of European Parliament
NGO non-governmental organization
NYT New York Times
OSCE Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
POW prisoner of war
PR Public Relations
SANU Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
SFOR Stabilization Force (UN-NATO force in Bosnia-Herzegovina)
SS Schutzstaffel (German Nazi political paramilitary and elite troops)
UNMIK UN Mission in Kosovo
UNSC United Nations Security Concil
VRS Serbian Republic Army (BiH)
All sides of the Balkan conflicts have committed war crimes, but, unlike Croats, Bosnian Muslims and Kosovo Albanians, Serbs haven‘t carried out ethnic cleansing on any of the lands they populated. Rather, Serbs have fought to keep their ancestral lands, without attempts to expand typical of the other warrying factions. Eventful history has scattered Serbs around the region, and their desire was to be in one country. Yugoslavia offered this. After WWII, Serbs generally lived in peace with their ethnic neighbours; by 1999, Serbia was the only former republic, where ethnic groups coexisted peacefully.
Despite these verifiable facts, Serbs, the least guilty, have received undeserved bad publicity, have been bombed, and their craddle Kosovo has been stolen for a mafia state, while one-quarter of ex-Yugoslavia’s Serb population has ended up in hostile new states, without the right to self-determination, even though they wanted to remain in one state, Yugoslavia. UN-NATO proteges Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo have practiced racist purification that displaced over a million people, mostly Serbs. Unique human groups have become extinct in Western Slavonia, Krajina, Sarajevo, and Dubrovnik, while remnants of Kosovo Serbs are being cleansed..
Attempts by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to redefine Serbian war crimes as genocide by relativization of the term, reveal problems with the concept and its formalization in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide. The International Court of Justice absolved (26.2.2007) Serbia from charges of alleged genocide and pursuit of Greater Serbia, but upheld ICTY verdict of Bosnian Serb genocide in Srebrenica. ICJ ruling indirectly refutes the Serbophobic barrage. While media demonized the Serbs for genocide and ethnic cleansing, tens of thousands of Croats, Albanians and Bosnian Muslims lived unharmed in Serbia. The culprits of the Balkan conflicts and sponsors of the Serb-hatred and violence should now answer before courts.
Evidence indicates at most hundreds of executed Bosnian Muslim POWs in Srebrenica, and few, if any, civilians, while Muslim military of UN-protected Srebrenica slaughtered thousands of civilians in systematic raids on Serbian villages. Though the ICTY has indicted persons from all three Bosnian ethnic groups, it mainly prosecutes Serbs. The extremist leaders of Croats, Bosnian Muslims and Kosovo Albanians haven’t stood comparable trials, even though they and their commanders have committed mass crimes, including instigation of hatred.
The US-NATO agression in the Balkans was officially explained as being what it wasn’t. A companion essay analyses the external and internal actors behind mass crimes of “humanitarian interventions” and “spreading democracy”. Drawing on my Polish book, this essay explores Balkan antagonisms, power instruments, role-reversal and demonization as a prelude to interventionism, with an eye on aggression, the supreme war crime according to the Nuremberg Tribunal.
To justify anti-Serbian interventions, the Judeocentric Power Complex (JPC) stirred animosities that had healed since WWII. UN forces commander in Bosnia, gen. Morillon said BiH ethnic groups acted not as much out of fear of domination by another group as by the hatred. Dormant hatreds were agitated in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo (sections 1 to 3), and consistently used military, legalistic (section 4), infowar (section 5) and other means (section 6) to conquer Serbs. The companion essay discusses diplomatic instruments and external actors, as they indicate JPC’s Balkan agenda.
Croatia: Ustaša tradition
Serbs contributed to saving Europe from the Turks and the Nazis. 16th century Habsburgs invited Serbs into a buffer zone (German: Militärgrenze; Serbo-Croatian: Vojna Krajina) vacated before the invading Turks. Croat and Hungarian land owners resented that emperor Ferdinand expropriated them for the Serbs whom he exempted from socage in exchange for the defense. Croat (and Hungarian) anti-Serbism partly stems from this fact. After the Austro-Hungarian empire collapsed and Vojna Krajina joined Croatia in 1868, the Serbs constituted a quarter of Croatia’s population, and in 1991 only 12%.
Established by Ante Pavelić in 1929, Croat extremists Ustaše exterminated Serbs, dissenting Croats, Gypsies and Jews in WWII, with methods that terrified the Nazis. Herman Naubacher, Hitler’s personal assistant for Balkan affairs estimated from own reports the number of Serbs victims at 750,000, reducing Ustaše leaders’ bragging about slaughtering one million Serbs (incl. children, women and the elderly). Edmond Paris writes about some 750,000 Serbs, 60,000 Jews and 26,000 Gypsies murdered in 1941-1945 – “a gigantic holocaust”, WWII “greatest genocide” in proportion to total population. Allan Ryan Jr. quoted Pavelić in Quiet Neighbours: “A good Ustaša is one who can use his knife to cut a child from the womb of his mother.” The Ustaše embraced the ideas of a 19th century “Croat nation’s father”, Ante Starčević who refined Serbofobia: “The Croat nation deems Slav blood of Serbs to be foreign [...] Serbs must be liquidated.”
Two chapters censored by Tito authorities in a book on Ustaša crimes document Roman Catholic Church’s anti-Yugoslav, pro-fascist stance in the first half of the 20th century. Croat Catholic hierarchy and clergy incited laymen to Ustaše genocide and participated. Race and religion combined “a racist nationalism which aimed at a 100% ethnically pure state, and a fascist Croatian church with a parallel policy of a 100% pure Catholic Croatia.” Catholic and Protestant newspapers published Aryan laws, accounts of the forced conversions, photos of Pavelić’s visits to seminaries and convents, and welcome speeches. Himmler’s deputy Reinhard Heydrich wrote (17.2.1942) about Slavs murdered by Croats “with the most sadistic of methods”: “the Croat-Serbian state of tension is not least of all a struggle of the Catholic Church against the Orthodox Church.”
Hubert Butler incriminates Ustaše and Croat Catholic Church. In 1950 three Balkan politicians in exile asked the UN members to take into custody some 120 Croat nationals, including many Franciscans, stating that a Franciscan commandant of Jasenovac had murdered the prisoners, while forced conversions and massacres centered at a Franciscan monastery in Herzegovina. A law student from a Catholic organization had won a 1942 competition by cutting the throats of 1,360 Serbs. French cardinal Tisserant remarked in March 1942 to Pavelić’s ambassador to Vatican, Rušinović: “even the Franciscans of Bosnia-Herzegovina behaved atrociously. Father Šimić, with a revolver in his hand, led an armed gang and destroyed Orthodox churches.” Pavelić later decorated the superior of the Franciscan monastery in Knin for his military activities. Tisserant denounced Rušinović’s lie that 200,000 of the Serb willingly returned to Catholic Church: “The Germans helped you kill all the priests and you got rid of 350,000 Serbs before you set up the Croatian Orthodox Church.” Against the Turks, Tisserant reminded, Serbs had done at least as much for Catholicism as Croats, but the Croats got the title of Antemurale Christianitatis.
Vatican helped CIA-identified Ustaše hide, flee and export valuables taken from their victims. Andrija Artuković “the Himmler of Yugoslavia” whom Vatican helped hide in Ireland before he went to the USA, consulted archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, on the moral aspects of every action he took. Stepinac loathed Orthodoxy and saw the Ustaša genocide as the “working of the divine hand”. He was sentenced for command responsibility in war crimes and mass murders, because he “played a role in governing the Nazi puppet Croatian state” and “many members of his clergy participated actively in atrocities and mass murders”, and collaborated with the Nazis. In Vatican and Western propaganda, Stepinac’s 5-year imprisonment and a house arrest till his death (1960) are a Communist show.
Cruelty and Franciscan support re-appeared. Senator Joseph Biden (now US vice-president) caught virulent anti-Serbism from Croat Franciscan clergyman Ilija Živković in early 1980s. Having filtered out Vatican’s and Croat Franciscans’ WWII role, Catholic Biden initiated Serbophobic senate resolutions and motions, and gave hateful speeches and anti-Serb interviews. He said during 1999 debate on NATO aggression, “all Serbs should be placed in Nazi-style concentration camps”, and on CNN’s Larry King Live, “Serbs are illiterate degenerates, baby killers, butchers and rapists”. Živković boasted that Biden was in contact with ultra-nationalist Croat groups, but “what influenced him most was the speech I held […] before just-elected president Bill Clinton […] I explained why the bridges in Belgrade, Serbia, must be bombarded, how to stop Serb forces in BiH […] It was all clear to them, because we have engaged one former congressman back in 1987 to lobby for Croatia”, i.e. long before Yugoslavia breakup. Živković revealed that already in 1985 “the Serbian editors would cut out everything that was Croatian”. In 1985 there was no Croat state; neither Ustaše nostalgia nor Croat fanaticism was tolerated. Živković complained to senator Biden.
In 1990, Croat neo-fascists organized demonstrations, civic intimidations and attacks on Serbs, calling for overthrow of the federation and expulsion of Serbs. Croat extreme nationalists led by future president Franjo Tuđman’s HDZ party won control of the Croat parliament (30.5.1990). HDZ had a neo-Ustaše military wing. Rightist organizations from the West that were absent in the Balkans since the end of WWII, channelled funds, weapons and mercenaries for separatists and terrorists. International neo-fascist CFIVA provided 2,800 mercenaries. German and Austrian clandestine neo-Nazi publications published appeals: “help our Croat brothers defend the white race”. Dreading a repetition of WWII atrocities, Serbs in Croatia rose in defence.
Croat parliament adopted a constitution (22.12.1990) that deprived ethnic Serbs of basic rights. In a replay of 1941, when Nazis set up Croatia as a national state, the constitution relegated Serbs, Jews, Gypsies and Muslims to a second class tatus. Serbs lost government jobs, businesses and homes. Serb newspapers were closed down. A property tax applicable only to Serbs was introduced, and militia looted and closed down Serb shops. Serb were issued marked identity cards. Europe demanded (February 1991) that Yugoslavia hold elections. The Croat government attacked Serb civilians in Plitvice (31.3.1991), starting an armed conflict involving the Yugoslav Army, JNA. Even before Croatia‘s independence, its internal affairs minister, Martin Špegelj acknowledged a war against JNA and Serbs (“kill them all in the streets, in their homes, through hand grenades, fire pistols into their bellies, women, children”), promising to deal with the Serb town of Knin “by butchering”. On 5.5.1991, the deadline set by the US Congress resolution 101-513 on economic sanctions as an ultimatum for “democratic reform”, Croat militias attacked a JNA base. The new leadership wanted “to initiate conflict against Belgrade and Serbs, to begin the process of rolling Serbian and BiH borders back to the WWII borders, and to seize JNA military assets.”
HDZ won the first multi-party election. Slovenia and Croatia declared independence (25.6.1991). Europe refused to recognize the secessions. Maastricht Treaty negotiations were on the way, and Germany agreed for the UK to opt out from euro currency, provided the other member states approve the breakup of Yugoslavia. By December 1991, the European Community supported the secessions and encouraged the other republics to separate. Germany and Vatican were the first to recognize the new states. Croat radio (29.10.1991) gave the Serb minority 48 hours to leave homes. On 1.11.1991, 225 Serbs were killed, 36 Serbian churches destroyed, 250 Serbian villages raised and 58,000 Serbs expelled. This first major war crime set the stage for all others.
Croat attacks on Serb-populated “UN Protected Areas” in Western Slavonia (Operation Lightning, May 1995) and Krajina (Operation Storm, August 1995) were the worst ethnic cleansing in the Balkan wars. US supported the planning, preparation, supervision and the combat. A British journalist reflected on these, Croat “brutal military actions”: “the present day Croatian state shares the primary objective of the wartime Ustashe – a racist obsession to create a 100% ethnically pure Catholic Croatia.” Celebrating Storm that drove out 250,000 Krajina Serbs, Tuđman told Croats: “there can be no return to the past, to the times when they, the Serbs, were spreading cancer in the heart of Croatia.”
Operations Storm and Lightning
Croat repressions since 1990, and 1995 Lightning and Storm killed several thousand civilians and brutally expelled hundreds of thousands Serbs. European Community Monitoring Mission teams observed (7-22.8.1995) destruction-by-burning of 60-80% of Krajina Serb property, by Croat military at locations with Croat-controlled access. The systematic burning of whole villages was a co-ordinated ethnic cleansing approved at the highest level, to prevent Serb returns. The remaining Krajina Serbs (mostly the elderly) constituted 2-5% of pre-hostility total. On the average six bodies were discovered daily, mainly of the elderly, many mutilated, shot in the back of the head, or throats cut. Serbian villages, towns and homesteads were systematically destroyed to eliminate “every vestige of Serb occupation”; “one year after the event, the torture, harassment and slaughter of those too old, infirm or just too stubborn to leave continues” with international community’s full knowledge.
ICTY found that the Croat forces had operated in “arson squads”, leaving complete destruction to prevent Serbian return, and hundreds of Krajina Serbs had been murdered or had disappeared after Storm. But ICTY didn’t pursue Croat leaders vigorously. A Kosovo Albanian, gen. Agim Çeku commanded Storm. Canadian peacekeepers witnessed savagery of Çeku´s troops in the Medak Pocket (Croatia, 1993), where over 200 Serb civilians were slaughtered. ICTY had to indict Çeku, largely on the strength of the Canadian testimony. Çeku’s forces massacred a Serb refugee column at Novi Varoš (2.5.1995), and targeted the UN “safe” city of Knin. Later, with a blessing of the US state department, Çeku became KLA supreme commander during 1998-1999 Kosovo conflict. Throughout Operation Allied Force (24.3-11.7.1999), Çeku was portrayed as a loyal ally and attended NATO briefings with top generals. Albanians in Kosovo and Macedonia regard him a hero. He said before being elected Kosovo prime minister (10.3.2006): “I know I never acted, saw, ordered or did something that violates the customs of war.”
After Tuđman’s death, Croatia prosecuted 811 people for alleged crimes during and after Operation Storm. Several dozen, including Serbs, got jail sentences up to 20 years. Amnesty International criticized Croatia for inadequately investigating the crimes and encouraging impunity. ICTY indicted senior Croat commanders, Ivan Čermak, Mladen Markač and Ante Gotovina who had personal and command responsibility for war crimes against Krajina Serbs. Čermak and Markač were handed over to ICTY. Spanish police captured Gotovina in the Canary Islands (8.12.2005), and extradited him to ICTY’s trial of Gotovina, Markač and Rahim Ademi for “joint criminal enterprise” and planned military offensive aimed at ethnic cleansing of the entire Krajina Serbian population.
Regretting his previous lies on Storm in Milošević trial, former US ambassador to Croatia, Peter Galbraith testified before ICTY (23.6.2008) that Storm conformed to Croatia‘s policy. During numerous meetings with Galbraith before Storm, Tuđman called Croatia’s Serbs “a strategic threat”, and his advisor Hrvoje Šarinić – a “cancer on Croatia’s belly”. With a goal of ethnically clean state Tuđman planned that “up to 10 percent of Serbs can remain in Croatia”, and Krajina must be populated by diaspora Croats. He also advocated “moving the population” and dividing BiH. Galbraith witnessed Storm; the crimes weren‘t “isolated incidents”, as Croats refer to them, but massive action planned by Croat leadership. US state department man sitting behind ICTY prosecutor oversaw Galbraith’s testimony, to prevent divulging US role in Croat crimes.
Double standard for Holocaust deniers
Tuđman defended Ustaša genocide in The Wasteland of Historical Reality (1989), regarding the Serbs as “savages” who “must be exterminated”. He diminished the large number of Ustaše‘s victims. To him, genocide was humanity‘s universal characteristics, congruent with the “harmony of God’s world”, “recommended and commanded by the Almighty’s word”. Croatia hid its and Muslim 1990s genocide, as it controlled the outgoing satellite TV imagery. Images of the dead captioned “Croatian, or Muslims from Bosnia-Herzegovina” actually showed ethnic Serbs.
At his inception, Tuđman declared “I’m happy my wife isn’t a Jew or a Serb”, renamed streets that carried antifascist partisans’ names, reinstated the genocidal fascist regime’s money and flag, and changed the constitution to run off the Serbs. He denied the Holocaust, but the West helped him “get his own country and ethnically cleansing 560,000 Serbs”; he was “invited to the UK celebration of the defeat of Nazism in Europe. Just as there are some Holocausts which may not be denied and some which may, there are clearly acceptable and unacceptable Nazis.”
Tuđman’s regime dismantled over 3,000 anti-fascist monuments, including one at Ustaša death camp Jasenovac, eliminated a permanent exhibition there, and reduced the number of victims from hundreds of thousands to tens of thousands. The number of Jewish victims remains at about 17,000. Similar trends to Yad Vashem approval are observed for Auschwitz.
In 1991, the new Croatia’s army damaged the 18th century Serbian Orthodox church of St. John the Baptist at the Jasenovac site. Rebuilt in 1984 from the ashes left by Ustaše in 1941, the church again succumbed to Croat official fascist forces. Tuđman forces‘ raid (1995) on Jasenovac desecrated, plundered and destroyed the church, and death camp museum and memorial centre.
Tuđman proposed (January 1996) that Ustaša remains be exhumed and brought to Jasenovac, to rest beside the graves of their victims, in an “act of reconcillation”, making it Europe‘s only place where Holocaust victims would be buried alongside their oppressors. A Jewish publicist, Slavko Goldstein, who lost five family members in Ustaša exterminations, urged Tuđman to leave the victims alone. Tuđman died in 1999, charged with “joint criminal enterprise” with Gojko Šušak (died in 1998), HDZ government members, and top military and police officials.
A communist Croat, Tito had a policy of weakening Serb power, and created the “Muslim” nationality to this end. Yugoslav Muslims are mostly Slavs (Serbs, fewer Croats) whose ancestors converted to Islam. In BiH comprising Muslims (43%), Serbs (31%), Croats (17%) and “Yugoslavs” (7%), Alija Izetbegović’s radical Muslim minority joined the Croats against the Serbs and unilaterally declared independence (6.3.1992).
The Islamist minority overpowered the Muslim moderates, and with outside support strove at secession. Izetbegović formed a militant, ultra-nationalist Islamic party SDA in 1990. Aided by the US, in August 1994 he attacked moderate Muslims in Bihac. With its intermingled population, dividing Bosnia was absurd. The Muslims were mainly urbanites while the Serbs and Croats lived in the countryside. Bosnian Serbs didn’t invade the territories, but tried to defend their lands and establish transportation corridors. Bosnia could not be divided without a civil war and the external actors provoked it. Bosnia UN safe areas weren’t safe for Serbs nor Muslims. Nearly all Serbs were killed or driven out by 1993, according to UNHCR. Muslim-populated UN enclaves housed Muslim military that attacked surrounding Serb villages, provoking retaliation.
The 1995 Dayton “accords” imposed political entities on multi-ethnic BiH peoples and entrusted their fate to outsiders. Islamist minority domination over moderate Bosnian Muslims foreshadowed KLA in Ramboulliet and Kosovo “independence”. Izetbegović had US support since 1992 when following US ambassador Warren Zimmermann’s remark “Why sign it if you don’t like it?” he reneged on the Serb-Muslim-Croat accord in Lisbon. The Bosnian issue could have been resolved peacefully if it was not for the US.
Dayton accords institutionalized US support to expulsion of Serbs – physically from parts of Bosnia, and as a group from the protection of international law. The US maneuvered the Bosnian Serb representatives out of Dayton, and set up president of Serbia Milošević to negotiate for them. Through the ICTY, the USA has charged “war criminals” with genocide as an insurance policy against the Serbs who demand their rights. ICTY trials ensure that the public perceive NATO war a justified humanitarian intervention. Dayton architects knew Bosnia couldn’t be a multi-ethnic state from the moment they scuttled the Lisbon accords. The Serbs want to join Serbia, the Croats Croatia, but Bosnian Islamists dominate. When the Bosnian Croats leave, the Serbs will become “submerged by Muslim majority.”
Congruent with Islamist ambitions, JPC eyes the Green Corridor, an unbroken Muslim region, from Bosnia and Albania via Sandžak and Kosovo to Turkey. Acting on the Corridor plan, Ottoman army reached Vienna in 1683. A propaganda item issued by an Albanian émigré group and found in Ankara used-books store, “showed a mighty green arrow, emanating from Turkey, thrusting through the Muslim-populated parts of the Balkans […] victoriously heading to […] the heartland of Europe”.
The Dutch report ridicules Sarajevo satirical magazine Vox as if it was Milošević’s one and only source on Green Corridor. Actually, in its first edition, fundamentalist Vox expressed hate towards Serbs in Serbia, then threats and expectations of massacres of Bosnian Serbs. It also published documents based on Izetbegović’s Islamic Declaration. This 1970 Islamist manifesto was dusted off to stir hatred and civil war. Vox re-printed Declaration of Independent Bosnia-Herzegovina for the expected secession of Slovenia in the beginning of Yugoslavia break-up. As in the Islamic Declaration, the radicals sought to “restore the status quo ante 1878”, when Bosnia was a province ruled by sharia and the Christian majority was subordinated in constant turmoil. Living in secular Yugoslavia was unacceptable to Islamists, for whom independence from infidel power was a religious imperative.
In the Muslim state “a good Serb would be a dead or obedient Serb, or one converted to Islam”, “the faith of his forefathers”. For each destroyed Muslim house, 10 Serbian houses would be demolished, for each Muslim fatality – 100 Serbs killed, and for each wounded – 10 to 15 Serbs. Serbs would work 12-hour days for wages 30% lower than Muslim wages and proportional to group loyalty. Serbs would lose jobs before Muslims, and would eat rationed food from designated stores. Serbs couldn’t have national parties, and could lose the right to associate and vote in case of disobedience. The initiators of the Islamist Bosnian state planned to defend Muslim interests in Sandžak, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Croatia and Serbia.
When the war broke out in Eastern Bosnia in April 1992, and Muslim majority opposed radicals (as earlier around Bihac), weapons and uniforms arrived at Izetbegović’s SDA party locales. To intimidate and provoke conflict, Vox published a liquidation list of Serbian “war criminals”, former Tito partisans who had fought Bosnian Handžar SS. A year earlier, disguised as Serbian para-militaries of Arkan (Željko Ražnjatović), Muslim gangs, (e.g. Patriot League in Srebrenica area) threatened Muslim majority, igniting conflict and raising mutual fear, while Serbs were being fired from jobs, as in Croatia. Inside October 1991 Vox issue were articles on the Handžar and future Fourth Reich, and on the cover – a Muslim in Turkish cap, one foot on severed Serbian heads. A similar photo, but not published by Vox, showed a foot on the severed heads of Bran Durić, Nenad Petković and Blagoje Blagojević. The villain, shown on another photo holding Blagojević’s head, was a dark-skinned mudjahedin. In the 1990s Kosovo, headhunters were KLA “soldiers” Sadik Cuflaj and his teenage son Valon, who were shown in Serbian press, holding severed head of Bojan Cvetković, while a comrade held another head.
Some 20 Muslim imams in Handžar SS inculcated a policy of extermination of Orthodox Serbs (“the communists”) and Jews. In October 1943, imam Abdulah Muhasilović spoke about two camps in “the entire world”:
“One stands under the leadership of the Jews, about whom God says in the Qur’an, “They are your enemy and God’s enemy”. And that is the English, the Americans, and Bolsheviks, who fight against faith, against God, against morality, and a just order. On the other side stands National Socialist Germany with its allies, under the leadership of Adolf Hitler, who fight for God, faith, morality, and a fairer and more righteous order in the world.”
In 1993, Muslim troops from UN-protected “safe area” Srebrenica raided Serb villages on the night of Orthodox Christmas 1993; gen Morillon: “There were heads cut off, abominable massacres committed by the forces of Naser Oric in all the neighboring villages.” Orić’s men were driven by hatred, and slaughtered all encountered civilian and Bosnian Serb POWs. Morillon recounted Orić saying “One can’t be bothered with prisoners.” Orić showed videotapes of slaughtered Serbs. Serb organizations compiled the names of over 3,000 Bosnian Serbs killed in Srebrenica region in 1992-1995.
Orić’s troops retreated from UN safe area Srebrenica a week before the July 1995 massacre by Serb forces; French gen. Germanos: “Oric had widely declared that they had abandoned Srebrenica because [Izetbegović had] wanted Srebrenica to fall.” Morillon added that Izetbegović’s forces “opposed the evacuation of all those who had asked to be taken out […] Mladic fell into a trap”. A massacre was plotted a year and a half in advance, when Kofi Annan’s UN report stated: “Izetbegović had learned that a NATO intervention into Bosnia was possible. But it would happen only if the Serbs forced their way into Srebrenica and massacred at least 5,000 people.” A 1999 UN report added: “President Izetbegović has flatly denied making such a statement.” A whitewash of NATO discounted the evidence of planned losses. From the beginning Clinton administration referred to spy photos as evidence of Srebrenica massacre. When it was not forthcoming, the White House gave an excuse of secrecy. In an obstruction of justice, files relevant to Srebrenica at the UN headquarters weren’t available to the ICTY, by a decision of UNSC permanent members: USA, France and UK.
Inflated claims counter forensic evidence of 2028 bodies in ICTY judgement. “8,000 Muslim victims” of the executions was a Red Cross estimate including “5,000 “missing”, thousands of which were later accounted for – having either reached safety or died in combat” with VRS; crimes concern “hundreds of executions, but not more”. Killed “civilians” had been “fully armed, 5,500-strong Bosnian Muslim Army’s 28th division” under “indicted war criminal Naser Oric”. According to chief EU negotiator Lord David Owen, “the main flaw to the concept of “safe areas” from the perspective of the UN military, was that the UN Security Council were allowing the Muslims to evade any demilitarization provision.” Until May 1992, Orić’s forces had committed some of the war’s worst atrocities, “murdering 1,200-2,500 Serbs in the Srebrenica area”, with the number of Serb casualties around Srebrenica “no less, and likely greater, than that of Muslims”; Bosnian Muslim leaders, incl. founder of the ruling SDA party from Srebrenica, Ibran Mustafić, “claimed that the Bosnian Presidency and Military High Command deliberately sacrificed the town in order to encourage NATO intervention”. US policy undermined UN and European brokered peace settlements “to pursue a military solution” by facilitating shipments of illegal weapons to Muslims, which helped turn safe zones into “staging areas for conflict and tripwires for NATO intervention”. A BBC news item supports the military-only thesis:
“The allegations have been made by some of the three thousand soldiers who reached Tuzla today after fighting their way through enemy lines. They say that the Serbs ambushed their retreating column killing hundreds if not thousands of soldiers.”
Having failed to prove Serb intent or acts of genocide or mass crimes, the powers lied about Srebrenica. Even ICTY judges indicated exaggeration, as the evidence only “suggests” that “a majority” of the 7,000-8,000 “missing” were executed, as opposed to dying in the fighting. Propaganda and ICTY are certain that Muslim male victims were unarmed civilians, but question civilian status of Serb victims. As in JPC’s stance against Holocaust deniers, anybody who questions Srebrenica, the “greatest atrocity in Europe since WWII”, is a “holocaust denier” and “revisionist”. ICTY’s failure to label as genocide worse Croat atrocities against Serbs further compromises its impartiality. During the conflict in Croatia, Clinton administration inflated Srebrenica casualties and diverted attention from Croat attacks on Serb-populated “UN Protected Areas” in Western Slavonia and Krajina.
Political pressure and NGOs
When healing and reconciliation were needed, the ICTY shocked the public with the “Srebrenica” video (1.6.2005) of Serb para-military private security, Scorpions executing six Bosnian Muslims. ICTY promoted hatred, by demonizing an entire nation. ICTY censored and suppressed the war crimes and atrocities committed against Bosnian Serbs by Bosnian Muslim and Croat forces. US resolution HR 199 (27.6.2005) blamed Bosnian Serbs collectively for Srebrenica. On the day of London attacks (7.7.2005) that were later linked to Balkan Jihad, Europe followed on the 10th anniversary of “the act of genocide”: “more than 7,000 unarmed Bosnian Muslim men are thought to have been killed by Bosnian Serb forces”. Confess genocide, turn Karadžić and Mladić over to ICTY, and apply for admission to EU, bargained the resolution. Airing of Srebrenica video devoid of the proof became an extortion tool. European Parliament acted against reconciliation, too; no nation would admit to non-existent genocide. University of Berkeley professor emeritus of history noted: “media-wide cerebral terrorism or demonization of “the Serbs” for over a decade qualifies also as an act of genocide under the “mental harm” provision of Article 2 of the 1948 genocide convention.” The video’s publicity hinted NGO-politics ties. A “nightmare for Serb nationalists” and a “leading rights activist” on a “quest for justice”, Nataša Kandić, working for Soros-sponsored Humanitarian Law Center, organized the airing that “proved” Serbs were responsible for Srebrenica genocide, but neither Kandić nor the ICTY proved Scorpions connection to Serb authorities, or the six victims – to the “8,000”; Scorpions may have been NATO death squads. Loathing Serbs, Kandić supported NATO bombing, and was implicated in worldwide hoax about a refrigeration truck filled with dead Kosovo Albanians when NATO needed Milošević extradicted.
To ICTY deputy prosecutor Nice and media, Humanitarian Law Center is “a very reliable human rights organisation”. Kandić’s fellow Serbophobic sociologist Eric Gordy spoke at NGO conference in Serbia (27.6.2005) about the video: “Whatever limitations the film may have as evidence, however, it has had tremendous value as publicity.” Airing the video made Serbs realize that the anniversary was used to “nazify” them and “attach collective guilt”, to make them “feel guilty for all that has to come to pass in the Balkans.” OSCE reprimanded (December 2004) Serb media for publishing photos of Haradinaj crimes, because recollection of crimes committed on Serbs sowed hatred and intolerance. Soros’s B92 station, Danas and Vreme, however, kept calling for “repentance” while publicizing the Scorpions video, as did Western media.
Under the threat of replacement of elected officials, Serb Republic (BiH) government “admitted” 7,800 persons missing (not murdered) from Srebrenica. Communicating to UNSC, ICTY’s Carla del Ponte distorted the statement to thousands murdered by Serbs. Observers warned the Serbian government that accepting the guilt would lead to monetary demands that would greatly exceed any apparent political benefits. Preparations for the Bosnian Muslim lawsuit for genocide, filed against Serbs in the ICJ, entertained US$ 100 billion indemnity.
Izetbegović admitted on his deathbed that Bosnian Muslim claims about Serb-run “extermination camps had been a hoax to precipitate bombing of Serbs. An August 1992 story for ITN about Serb-run Trnopolje “concentration camp” was featured in JPC media as proof of Serb-run Auschwitz. NATO denounced Trnopolje, actually a refugee centre, providing moral basis for ICTY. “250,000 dead in Bosnia” was invented to justify the claim of genocide of Muslims. The claim stayed constant, despite continuing casualties on all sides. By August 1992, as an effect of the Trnopolje hoax, the UN authorized the use of force in Bosnia and promised justice. International occupation began and the ICTY was initiated.
ITN’s edited video and falsified stills from Trnopolje fooled the world. Margolaine Martin from Zagreb office of International Red Cross denied the accusation. When LM magazine exposed the hoax, ITN sued them for libel. The court ruled that even though the footage wasn’t accurate, it was libellous to suggest ITN had done it deliberately. Apologists of US-NATO Balkan policies cite the verdict as proof that the death camps existed. Worldwide Television News, connected to ITN, sold the footage with an interpretation that, after a still showing a handshake of a thin man with ITN’s Penny Marshall, reads that a British reporting team has found the “first independent proof of death camps” run by Serb authorities in BiH. A Serbian TV footage filmed beside the ITN crew shows the British filming from inside a delapidated enclosure, and shaking hands with a group of men over the low fence; only one man is emaciated. They repeatedly correct Marshall who suggests they are not well treated in the camp.
Funded by Norway and Bosnia, Mirsad Tokača, head of Sarajevo-based Research and Documentation Center, proved the 250,000 civilian death toll in Bosnia wrong. Pentagon reported, as of the date of Tokača‘s presentation (16.12.2005), 94,000 victims of known identity, up 4,000 from July 2005, when Tokaca counted 70% Muslims, 23% Serbs, 5-6% Croats, and 1-2% others. 1991 population census counted 4.3 million: 44% Muslims, 17% Croats, 31% Serbs and 8% others in BiH. The apparently heavy Muslim losses resulted from three conflicts: Muslims and Croats against the Serbs, Muslims and Croats against each other, and Muslims against other Muslims. Heavy Muslim military casualties reslted from Izetbegović‘s sacrific of his troops against heavily armed enemy. Two ICTY-contracted researchers estimated 55,000 civilian deaths (54% of the total), including over 16,000 Serbs, in a total of 102,000 dead. Yet, for the first 11 days beginning with Milošević death, the toll from the wars in BiH or in ex-Yugoslavia was said to be 200,000 or greater in at least 202 different items, and 100,000 in only 13.
SkyNews release of Bosnian Muslim video (circa 1995) shows Serbs being rounded up, tortured and shot, just like in WWII Bosnia the 20,000 Nazi-Muslim troops have liquidated tens of thousands of Serbs, Jews and Gypsies. It was an exceptional release after years of Bosnian Muslim “victimhood”. Muslim forces staged spectacular massacres against Muslims, to blame the Serbs. In the siege of Sarajevo, Serb forces committed war crimes, too, but Izetbegović forces stopped civilians who wanted to flee, and snipers regularly killed Serb inhabitants. In Mostar, after Serbs had been expelled, Croat and Muslim forces held deadly fights, but media presented the villainy as Serbian. A Western correspondent watched “in complete resignation” the image of a Serbian granny “wearing a black scarf and holding an Orthodox cross, in tears burying her beloved grandchild, the victim of “Serbian” shells in a suburb of Sarajevo”; the caption states: “A Bosnian child, a Bosnian woman, a typical Muslim burial service.”
Pictures of Serb Orthodox graves were “Muslim cemeteries”. In Kosovo, mourning Serb women in black were “Albanian women”, and Serb funerals – “weeping Albanian refugees”. The reality of Sarajevo, where Serb and Croat population suffered in the Muslim-controlled quarters, was different than the world public believed: “the other Sarajevo, the one no one speaks about, is also being shelled […] civilians are also being ambushed and killed by snipers, hand grenades and other weapons.” The report’s author, the president of the BiH association of journalists, had to leave Sarajevo, as the three warring sides threatened his life.
When the Bosnian war broke out, 160,000 Sarajevo immigrants from Sandžak became the driving force behind Izetbegović, aggravating the antagonism between the indigenous and the immigrant Muslims. Sarajevo’s image of “the European and world capital of multi-cultures and multi-nationalities”, as the media and intellectuals like Bernard-Henri Lévy asserted, crumbles in Izetbegović speech (March 1994) of major impact on the BiH public, but unknown in the West: “We are self-sufficient! […] that our soldiers are dying for multinational coexistence […] is a lie!”
On the systematic mass rapes, alleged to have been sanctioned by Serbian authorities, professor emeritus John-Peter Maher replied to Guardian about their 11.10.2000 story, calling it “a racist fraud”. During 1999 NATO attack on Yugoslavia, while propaganda broadcast “Serb rapes” in Kosovo, Albanian mafia was kidnapping girls and young women from refugee camps for European bordellos. Resisting victims were killed, as Western reporters witnessed on a few occasions.
The mass rape idea came from BiH minister Haris Silajđić who accused the Serb forces of raping 30,000 Muslim females. Women’s magazine Ms published an article about Serb rapes featured in porno movies (that were never found), and Helsinki Watch and Human Rights Watch could not support the allegations. The media stories “have clearly involved carefully staged performances by non-Muslims dressed up as Muslims”. Rape (on all sides) is a conflict byproduct, but Croat staging of these events “has been significant”.
Roger Boyls (NYT 23.12.1992) didn’t verify anonymous interviews by the World Council of Churches (WCC), but called for prosecution of “rapists”, citing WCC investigator Brenda Fitzpatrick who was convinced that although all warrying parties had committed rapes, only the Serb side had “a policy of rapes and impregnation of detained Muslim women”. Allegedly, victims were told they would be raped until they became pregnant and gave birth to an “ethnic Serbian child”, to fulfil a goal of creating “a generation of hating children”. Also based on speculation was a story on a rape camp, where allegedly 70 women were exploited. After killing one, the next innocent was brought in. Reportedly, pleasure was not the only purpose of the camp, unlike in the Japanese and Nazi WWII establishments: when a Muslim female became pregnant with a “Serbian” child, the Serbs consider it a “tactical victory”. Ottoman Turks took Serb children, jennisaries. Taught to hate Slavs, they surpassed their educators‘ cruelty. WWII Muslim extremists in Bosnia and Croat Ustaše did similar things. Several of the worst villains were brought up this way.
Without mentioning Serbian victims, media preemptied earlier Serb accusations of rapes by Croats and Muslims, and reported on Serb implanting of canine fetuses into Muslim females. A Bundestag member, Stefan Schwarz stated that Serbs were copying the “Nazi monster, Josef Mengele”; the allegations came from Croat female doctors who treated fleeing Muslim women and demanded to “stop this genocide”. Interviews with 28 women suggested 50,000 rapes on Bosnian Muslim females. The figure was extrapolated from the proven cases with ratios of reported to actual number of rape cases, as the victims don’t usually report. 119 documented cases before a UN commission reduced the estimate to 2,400 raped woman, but Serbian and Croat, not Muslim females.
On 15.1.1993, months before the war in Bosnia was nine months old, NYT wrote about a two-month old baby of a Muslim teenager who was allegedly raped in a Serbian prison. Also in January 1993, the Warburton Report, approved by the European Community and quoted as authoritative and independent, estimated the number of Muslim females raped by Serbs at 20,000. Simone Veil, a member of the investigative team, former French minister and the chairwoman of the European Parliament, revealed that the report was based on interviews with only four females.
British Lord Hylton appealed for suitable means to restore basic rights and freedoms in Bosnia, where the “government of Serbia” was guilty of atrocities “worse than anything known in Europe since 1945”, i.e. “genocide”: a “deliberate policy of killing young men, raping women and expelling the elderly”. Six years before 1999 NATO campaign, Hylton reminded the world powers about a duty to prevent a spread of “atrocities to Kosovo”. JPC people knew the regional plans in advance.
An actvist pointed to a landmark process at the ICTY that “for the first time” in the history of UN was devoted to war crimes of rape and sexual enslavement. She referred to dozens of war sex factories on all sides of the conflict in Bosnia and quoted old, by then debunked, propaganda figures of 20,000-50,000 female victims. She postulated systematic rapes be regarded crimes against humanity, quoting Kelly Askin, an American female lawyer and author of War Crimes Against Women, who considered the ICTY lawsuit a great legslative progress, thanks to women in the prosecution and defense. JPC propagandists thus exploited women as spin subjects and objects of the fabrications.
An alleged victim of Serb rapes, Jadranka Cigelj was to testify in US Senate hearing (7.5.1997). She vice-chaired Tuđman’s HDZ party and was a member of ISHR, an organization whose predecessor had been linked to WWII Nazi authorities. Later, IHSR with other Slovenian and Croatian separatists and BND had worked to break Yugoslavia up. The ICTY rejected Cigelj testimony due to her multiple identities and inconsistent statements; then a Serbian American brought to US Congress‘ attention 800 legal depositions of female and male Serb victims of rape, and reminded that many “Senators and Congress persons continue to conceal the homosexual rapes of thousands of Serbian POWs”. “Serb prisoners were forced to circumcise their fellow Serb prisoners as a form of torture”, leading to sexual disfunction. Serbian men had broom handles and the fists of their perpetrators shoved into their anus which damaged the internal organs, as documented by Dr. Ljubica Toholj, Belgrade University gynecology professor and Yugoslav War Crimes Commission director. She wasn‘t allowed to testify before US Senate.
Western media fabrications of Serb mass rapes and death camps have originated with Roy Gutman. In a request to visit the Omarska Camp, he referred to Jadranka Siget, one of her phony identities. In his article 10 days later he called her Cigelj. ISHR brochure “God’s Forgotten Children” contained a witness statement by Jadranka C., undobtedly Cigelj, as it was identical to that in Gutman’s article.
Serbian forces caught a British mercenary, Robert Allen Lofthouse, in Northern Bosnia in January 1993. He confessed to supplying false information about concentration camps, rapes, ethnic cleansing and similar “Serbian atrocities” to Roy Gutman, US Newsday and BBC. Lofthouse kept sending reports and falsified TV recordings. By 1993, Gutman won a Pulitzer prize jointly with John Burns. The same media never published findings on thousands of Serbian POWs, documented by Toholj.
Kosovo: old race hatred
Kosovo is the craddle of Serbs, with over a thousand Serbian Orthodox churches and monasteries, some on the UNESCO list. Albanians see Kosovo as an ethnically pure prelude to Greater Albania. First created under Hitler, this entity would now comprise 8 million Albanians in Albania, Serbia’s Kosovo and Preševo Valley, Greek Chameria, Southeastern Montenegro, and Western FYROM. Kosovo Albanian extremists destroyed Christian churches in sight of NATO, UN and EU. A quest for Kosovo “independence” goes on, on lands of sovereign Serbia, for a group that already has a state and harbours organized global crime. In her book The Hunt former ICTY prosecutor del Ponte describes KLA-KFOR-UNMIK’s Kosovo as blood feud land ruled by mafia who present themselves as heroes of the “suffering Albanian people”; UNMIK, KFOR and even ICTY officials fear for their lives if connected to sporadic investigations that meet insurmountable difficulties. Among Serbs missing since 1998 (and other nationals, incl. sex slaves), are hundreds slaughtered in macabre live organ extraction and trade. UNMIK thwarted investigation attempts (e.g. by del Ponte, Council of Europe); high-ranking officials, (e.g. Kouchner, gen. Clark, Javier Solana) may be implicated, tying the operation, like Afghan opium transfer via Camp Bondsteel, to JPC and Kosher Nostra who control global organized crime.
“Ben-Gurion of Kosovo”, Thaçi admired Israel and described war criminal Ariel Sharon as a “great leader”, but a reference to the mafia and Islamist connection was absent. Ben-Gurion authored the July 1954, false-flag bombing attacks in Egypt to damage Egypt-West relations. Israel blamed the attacks on the Egyptian Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, but in March 2005, officially honoured the nine Egyptian Jews involved in the bombings. Thaçi’s gang is creating Greater Albania by terror, too, but he assured that Kosovo wouldn’t be Islamic. As the Zionist terror did under criminal leaders, so, too, under Thaçi’s leadership, JPC-supported KLA has murdered Serb civilians to terrorize hundreds of thousands into leaving. He killed moderate Albanians to toe his party line, and murdered the leaders of political opposition. After “disarmament” by NATO-UN since June 1999, the KLA continued destroying churches and monasteries. Haaretz explained that Thaçi’s assertion was significant for those Israelis who feared an independent Kosovo and potential Greater Albania could be an Islamist outpost, an argument that made Israel support Milošević during the 1999 bombing.
UN special envoy Martti Ahtisaari’s plan (2.2.2007) for Kosovo final status received unconditional support of four of the 15 UNSC Council members (4.4.2007). China, and several non-permanent UN members shared Russia’s concerns. Acting under legally and politically unprecedented, self-created mandate based on the failed Ahtissari plan, the EU is trying to impose Eulex, a mission of 2,000 police, customs officers and judicial personnel in place of UNMIK. In failed states, governments “can no longer provide adequate public services, physical security or economic livelihood to their inhabitants”, attracting “terrorist organizations as safe havens and as staging grounds for attacks”. Kosovo Albanian mafia deals in drugs, sex slaves, weapons, and money-laundering. Kosovo independence removes even a minimal interference with a criminal Muslim state in Europe, making mockery of GWOT.
From Illyria to Greater Albania
Greater Albania concept relies on the axiom of national roots in Illyrian antiquity, but there is no archeological confirmation in Kosovo. Claims that Serb Orthodox buildings rest on Illyrian foundations are groundless, while ethnology and historiography reject the Illyrian roots. Prior to the Great Migration even the largest (and older) European nations have not yet formed. Homogeneous Slav population inhabits Kosovo since the early Middle Ages. The Slavs took over the land from the Byzantine empire and the local, Romanized population, not from Albanians. Kosovo was part of a Serbian state from early 13th century to its fall to the Ottomans (15th century). Throughout the Middle Ages, a very small Albanian population lived in Kosovo, mostly in its western part. Serbian documents from that period don‘t exhibit negative stereotypes of Albanians, while Greek documents do.
Turkish rule created Muslim Albanian majority in Kosovo. Proclamation of an Albanian state by the European powers (1913) intended to curb Serb and Montenegrin re-settlement of ancestral lands. Albanians constituted at least half of Kosovo’s population of 497,000 then. A 1929 census showed a decline of 58,000, due to war (the largest among Serbs) and re-location of Muslims to Turkey and Albania. No Albanian state formed during five centuries of Turkish rule, even though converted Albanians were the Ottomans’ “iron fist” in a “holy war against the infidels”. Many Kosovo Serbs receded before the Islamization, fled Turkish revenge after rebellions, or run away from the Albanian terror. Albanians infiltrated Serb villages and farms, followed by a flood of next-of-kin. Forced Albanization and Islamization further reduced the Kosovo Serb population. The Islamic Turkish state tolerated Albanian brigands. Only between year 1878 and the 1912 liberation, about 150,000 Serbs fled Kosovo.
When nation-forming radicalism took a lead in early 19th century, Edith Durham explained (1905) the Albanian goal in Kosovo: “The Christian [whom] the Albanian persecutes is the Slav Christian, and this is the old, old race hatred.” Isa Boletini, Kosovo Albanian politician said in 1913: “When spring comes, we will manure the plains of Kosovo with the bones of Serbs.” Mustafa Kruja, Nazi-fascist prime minister of Greater Albania, said in June 1942: “The Serbian population of Kosovo should be removed as soon as possible. Serbian settlers should be killed.” Ferat-bey Draga, Nazi-fascist Kosovo Muslim politician said (1943): “The time has come to exterminate the Serbs.” The „spring“ motto and racism recurred in March 2004 pogroms of Serbs.
Nazi Albanians cleansed more than 150,000 Serbs from Kosovo. In 1945, Tito forbad them to return and gave their land to Albanians. When Albanians received autonomy in 1974 they began to purge Serbs by banning the Cyrillic alphabet. They removed Serbian books on history, religion and music from schools and libraries. Albanian authorities burned some 2 million books. Serb nuns and young girls were raped by the hundreds. Farms and crops were burned forcing more than 120,000 Serbs to flee. In 1939, Muslims constituted 65.6% of 645,000 Kosovo population, Serbs and Montenegrins – the remainder. Albanian population increased from 498,000 (1948) to almost 1.6 million (1991), and the population of Serbs and Montenegrins from 200,000 to 214,000. Albanians owned two-thirds of Kosovo’s private land in 1999. Since June 1999, a million illegal Albanians entered Kosovo, and quarter million Kosovo non-Albanians, mostly Serbs fled from KLA terror, as KFOR and UNMIK emphatically watched “Albanian revenge”. About 3,000 civilians were murdered or are missing. By comparison, twelve months of fighting of KLA with Yugoslav forces resulted in about 2,000 fatal casualties, mostly military and police, not civilian.
Anti-Serb propaganda devised a nation, Kosovar, but US policy is to create Greater Albania. The media made illegal KLA into “freedom fighters”, while the West provided financial, diplomatic and military support. Once Yugoslav forces defeated the KLA, “genocide and ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians” were invented. The only cleansing Yugoslav forces committed was liquidation of Kosovo terrorism. Operation Allied Force pushed civilian Albanians out of Kosovo under KLA orders to fake an exodus under Yugoslav terror. US-NATO interventionism on Kosovo 2,000 fatalities are incredible, given inaction on Rwandan genocide. Minority rights guaranteed by UNSC resolution 1244 became a mockery, with a risk of ethnic cleansing, even genocide. Like Bosnia, Kosovo is also a global Jihadist nest, becoming a Muslim society, determined to wipe out Christianity:
“Spokesmen for the EU laud this Muslim colonization as Europe and the Muslim world as coming together, ignoring its utter one-sidedness. Criticism of these trends is stifled as “racism””.
Operation Allied Force
Former Nuremberg prosecutor, Walter Rockler called NATO 1999 Operation Allied Force bombing a “most brazen aggression since Nazi attack on Poland to prevent Polish atrocities”. NATO bombers killed more civilians than was the tally of civilians and uniformed men on both sides in the 18 months of fighting between Yugoslav forces and the KLA. US department of state communications director admitted that NATO war was due to “Yugoslavia’s resistance to the broader trends of political and economic reform – not the plight of Kosovo Albanians.” Former Canadian ambassador James Bisset testified before ICTY that war against Yugoslavia, “no threat to its neighbors”, was illegal. NATO charter commits the allies to settle any international dispute peacefully. As in NATO bombing in Bosnia, Allied Force violated UN and NATO charters and NATO member state constitutions.
Operation Allied Force “bombed the Serbian will” to install a US-friendly regime. The air raids reminded Serbs of Hitler’s “shock and awe” bombing of Belgrade (6.4.1941). Chabad Lubavitcher senator Joseph Lieberman said after two months’ bombing,: “We’re trying through the air campaign to break the will of the Serbian people.” NATO airforce commander Michael Short contradicted NATO generals who presented the war as being “against Milosevic” and civilians (“the bridge on which you held your rock concerts […] needs to disappear at 3 o’clock in the morning”) . Pulitzer Prize laureate Thomas Friedman proposed after 12 days “of surgical bombing” to show “what 12 weeks of less than surgical bombing does”, urging NATO war crimes, and pressuring Yugoslav government (“Every week you ravage Kosovo is another decade we will set your country back by pulverizing you”); infrastructure was disrupted (“NATO began its second month of bombing against Yugoslavia today with new strikes against military targets that disrupted civilian electrical and water supplies”).
The Albanian refugee crisis made some commentators declare the “humanitarian bombing” a failure, but media continued to focus on Serb abuses. Serb exodus under KLA terror was ignored. NATO killings were not mentioned or were reported as errors. Failure of diplomacy, the reason of humanitarian bombing, was also a lie that Serbs had refused to negotiate in Ramboulliet, where NATO had effectively imposed rights to occupy Kosovo and Yugoslavia, and then had issued an ultimatum unacceptable to any sovereign state.
Only an imminent genocide could have justified an air war that was not even discussed by UNSC. James Rubin said at a US state department’s briefing (19.4.1999) that up to 500,000 missing Kosovo Albanian men might be dead. US secretary of defense, William Cohen alleged 100,000 victims (16.5.1999), and Clinton tens of thousands (25.5.1999). Tony Blair expected irrefutable evidence of “yet unknown” number of tortured and killed victims. The claim stopped at 11,000. Mass-grave frenzy began after the bombing. US-NATO officials reported that many bodies had been hidden in Trepca mine shafts, or had been dissloved in acid. Estimates began at 1,000 dead, but ICTY investigation found no bodies.
Frustrated and angry at the deception, Western forensic teams found only some 4,000 bodies, including unknown numbers of fighters, and victims of NATO and KLA. Adding 2,400 missing, some of whom the KLA might have abducted, the total didn’t match the 11,000 claim. Media didn’t question it, nor the hysteria.
ICTY initially indicted Milošević for his “superior authority” and “command responsibility” for 344 deaths in Kosovo, all but 45 of which occurred after NATO bombing started. The number of bodies found in Kosovo could not sustain a charge of “genocide”.
March 2004 pogroms
Albanian extremists talk about the start of a “hunting season” against Serbs every spring. In Spring 2004 pogroms of Kosovo Serbs, the mob sprayed graffitti UCK! Allah Akbar! Morto Serbi! and UNMIK go home! on the ruins of Serb churches and houses. Busloads of Albanian hordes destroyed and burned everything Serbian, including more than 30 churches and monasteries (bringing the total to over 150 since the occupation began), under UNMIK, KFOR and police protection while truck-delivered trays of sandwiches and Molotov cocktails nourished the hordes. Typically a mob marched on a Serbian object or village, KFOR provided security, KPS police arrived and evacuated Serbs into awaiting buses, ostensibly to protect them. KFOR retreated “helplessy” before the hordes. The mob then finished plundering and burning. Women and children with sticks and stones shielded the mob from UN-NATO men. According to Visoki Dečani Monastery cyber-monks, ethnically cleansed Serbs were put in KFOR shelters. Asked by an elderly Serb if he could do anything to get Serbs back to their homes, a police commander replied, “I can’t do anything even if you die here like animals”.
Before the pogroms, Kosovo Albanian leader Hashim Thaçi welcomed the return of Serbs to Kosovo. Four months later, his hordes set torches to houses prepared for the returnees, funded from tax and private contributions of Westerners. On the eve of the pogroms (16.3.2004), the European Parliament held hearings on abysmal human rights violations by the Kosovo extremists. According to UNMIK press report at the time, Thaçi visited the US deputy assistant secretary for Europe and Euro-Asia, Kathleen Stephens who appreciated Thaçi’s “effort for creating necessary conditions for the well being of the citizens in areas such as the rule of law, the fight against crime and corruption, the dialogue, the returns, freedom of movement, economic development and privatization”. After the visit, Thaçi appealed to his cohorts to stop “protests and violence”, pretending a surprise, but his regime’s daily Epoka e re published a story titled “Serbs drowned three Albanian children”, starting the pogroms. The falsehood triggered Albanian demonstrations in Mitrovica, certainly not as spontaneously as media suggested.
Kosovo Serb Orthodox Church authorities recognized (17.3.2004) that international community’s story of the Albanian leaders’ multiethnicity and democracy “has been and remains pure deception” to buy time for “complete rearmament and creation of paramilitary forces”. The “international community” had long lists of KLA war criminals, commanders and soldiers alike, but did little to prosecute them. After the attempts at pogroms in Čeglavica, based on their own intelligence, the church authorities unmasked “a general campaign by Kosovo Albanians organized by extremist groups in progress whose purpose is to destabilize the Province and expel the remaining Serbian population”.
Some Western spokesmen, intelligence sources and strategic analysts, also from NATO and UN, concurred. US troops sat in Camp Bondsteel during the pogroms. A Kosovo Albanian journalist Veton Surroi of Koha Ditore daily said that Albanians had organized the “orchestrated phase” of violence in Kosovo in order to expell the Serbs. This required cooperation with KFOR and UNMIK accomplices in a “series of unrest, guerilla warfare and terrorist activity planned by radical Islamist leaders in Bosnia, Albania, Iran and in the Islamist areas of Serbia, and directly linked with the various al-Qaida-related mujahedin and terrorist cells in the area.”
In preparation for the pogroms, the National Albanian American Council (NAAC) called for “recognition of independence” of Albanian Kosovo and “resolving Kosova’s final status in accordance with the will of the people”, and blamed Belgrade in advance. After the pogroms, NAAC blamed Serbian intelligence. The violence reflected growing impatience of Albanians, whose leaders and parliamentarians used the self-created “opportunity” to call for independence. US neocon Morton Abramowitz, anti-Serbian since the beginning Yugoslavia break-up, blamed Serbia, NATO and EU for delaying independence and thus causing the violence. “Moderate” president Ibrahim Rugova believed only independence would cure extremism.
Serbia-Montenegro army’s gen. Mladen Cirković in charge of intelligence accused UN and NATO of ignoring his advance warnings of pogroms. General secretaries of NATO and UN condemned the pogroms as if KFOR and UNMIK didn’t know. Based on Serbian intelligence, Koštunica could point to the perpetrators, including KLA veterans and their comrades in Southern Serbia, all of them tied to KFOR, UNMIK, KPS, KPC paramilitary, and political parties. Those responsible for Kosovo security knew about Albanian pathological hatred of Serbs, but didn’t intervene. KFOR security was even relaxed at the checkpopints at Serb villages and at the Serb Orthodox Patriarchate in Peć, as if inviting the extremists. KFOR-UNMIK forces were unable to provide such basic service as a timely passage of an ambulance with a dying child to a hospital.
Balkan conflicts have demonstrated politization of justice to support the chief actors’ objectives. In partitioning Yugoslavia and supporting the rights of the other groups, the actors violated the rights of Serbs. NATO powers’ creation, ICTY invented rules, procedures and concepts in trials of disproportionately more Serbs than the others. ICTY prosecution reached a tally of 93 Serbs, 31 Croats, 14 Bosnian Muslims, 8 Albanians and 3 Macedonians indicted, and 699 Serbs, 36 Croats, 8 Bosnian Muslims], and 3 Albanians convicted as of 14.4.2008. But USA has refused to recognize the International Criminal Court, allegedly because of its “politicization”. ICTY politicization included its organization, staffing, funding, and vetting of top personnel by NATO who also controlled information and served as ICTY police arm; JPC influences every step. ICTY didn’t indict Bosnian Muslim leaders, war criminals Izetbegović and Ejup Ganić, but has been frantically appealing to have Karadžić and Mladić arrested and sent to Hague before elections. The arrests would amount to a humiliating spectacle of “decapitating” Bosnian Serb leadership, thus further serving to dehumanize the nation.
David Owen described how the outgoing US secretary of state, Lawrence Eagelburger achieved world media coverage (16.12.1994) when he named Karadžić, Mladić and Milošević “war criminals”, seven months before Serbs took Srebrenica, before there could have been evidence on satellite photos. The charge of Srebrenica genocide effectively silenced Karadžić and Mladić. At the expense of the interests of Bosnian Serbs, and eventually all Serbs, Milošević complied with US demands out of fear of being charged with genocide. He was kidnapped anyway, against Yugoslav law, and was delivered to Hague on charges that grew with the on-going anti-Serb campaign. Another JPC-dependent entity, the ICJ went along ICTY’s construct of Srebrenica genocide without investigating independently because it would demolish JPC‘s scapegoating of Serbs.
ICTY was illegaly established under UNSC; permanent members could veto investigations of their own and their client states’ crimes. Madeleine Albright was most active in establishing ICTY and blocked UN resolutions condemning Croat and Muslim atrocities. NYT portrayed ICTY as “the epitome of Western justice”, and the prosecutors’ point of view as largely that of NATO and “its American leadership.” NATO members have provided “the finance to set up the Tribunal […] we want to see war criminals brought to justice […] when Justice Arbour goes to Kosovo and looks at the facts she will be indicting people of Yugoslavia nationality and I don’t anticipate any others at this stage.” Soros has been co-financing ICTY, with Time Warner Corporation and Disney who might have provided expertise in shaping public opinion to ICTY specs. Soros’ Human Rights Watch supplied “evidence” against “Milosevic”, whose opposition and “independent” media and political parties in ex-Yugoslavia Soros had funded since 1991 at $100 million annually. According to former US state department lawyer, ICTY was “little more than a public relations tool,” useful to “isolate offending leaders” and “fortify the international political will to employ economic sanctions or use force”.
ICTY opposed the peace process and justified military interventions. US officials used alleged Serb criminality to subvert peace plans in 1992 and 1993, and “to justify their intention to go to war, collateral damage and all, by branding their proposed enemies as Nazis”. US and Izetbegović scuttled Lisbon peace agreement, and through Vance-Owen and Owen-Stoltenberg initiatives jeopardized peace. ICTY downplayed an internal report on Croat massacres on Krajina Serbs leaked a few days before NATO 1999 bombing, but eventually murdered Milosević because his accusers had started the Balkan conflicts, the ultimate war crime. Former Nuremberg prosecutor Walter Rockler quoted the head of the US prosecution justice Robert Jackson: “launching a war aggression is a crime” and “no political or economic situation can justify it”.
In July 1995, ICTY indicted Mladić and Karadžić, including the charge of genocide for conduct of subordinates at camps in 1992. In November, a second count of genocide at Srebrenica effectively excluded them from Dayton peace process, well before ICTY verified the facts. ICTY president Antonio Cassese divulged a political objective: “Let us see who will sit down at the negotiating table now with a man accused of genocide.” Fearing genocide charges, Milošević complied with US demands. Even after Srebrenica, the ICTY found no evidence for war crimes against Milošević, the key participant in the Dayton Accords that ended the war. In June 1998, as US-NATO planned for the Kosovo campaign, ICTY denounced Serb actions in Kosovo. ICTY chief prosecutor Louise Arbour declared the Račak “killings” (15.1.1999) a “war crime” that precipitated NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. A week after the bombing began, Arbour publicized a sealed, September 1997 indictment of Arkan, but an indictment of Milošević and four others was tabled (22.5.1999), distracting public attention from the bombing. According to Albright, the indictments “make very clear to the world and the publics in our countries that [NATO policy] is justified because of the crimes committed.”
Arbour assured that ICTY would not rely on “unsubstantiated, unverifiable, uncorroborated allegations.” Yet, the indictment was prepared on unverified information from the US and UK. Arbour indicated politicization: “the evidence upon which this indictment was confirmed raises serious questions about [the indictees'] suitability to be guarantors of any deal let alone a peace agreement.” She immediately acted upon unverified Račak crime, but it took her and successor Carla del Ponte a year to consider NATO crimes. Del Ponte finally declared there was no basis for opening an investigation; 495 dead victims of NATO were “no evidence of the necessary crime base for charges of genocide or crimes against humanity” but Račak 45 dead were. Del Ponte’s expert in dropping the investigation had relied on press releases as “generally reliable”, contrary to Arbour’s assurances.
NATO suppressed the Finnish forensic investigation of Račak as soon as it indicated a hoax. I called the head of the Finnish team, Dr. Helena Ranta (3.5.2000). She said she just returned from a meeting at NATO in Brussels that had told her to classify the report. The leaks from her suppressed report hinted conclusions like those she publicized at a press conference, where, she told me, she had felt the same pressure to testify against Yugoslavia as she did at the NATO meeting. Ranta’s team found the “executed” had been moved from elsewhere and had had bullet holes from multiple directions, i.e. they had been combatants. Body mutilations, “a Serbian atrocity”, meant animals feeding on the dead. Naturally, a medical forensic study could neither re-construct the events nor confirm whether the victims were peasants or soldiers, but it found the bodies were transferred between different locations before deposition at the scene. Serbian media, Serbian and Byelorussian forensic teams, OSCE observers and reporters were right.
After the 1999 Kosovo indictment had misfired for insufficient evidence, and several months after Milošević’s kidnapping (28.6.2001), the ICTY charged him for Bosnia and Croatia to keep a living proof of the need for “humanitarian interventions”. Media didn’t question why this happened several years after his admitted positive role in Dayton. For “not even investigating NATO’s war crimes“, critics concluded ICTY, “a well-oiled propaganda machine”, was politically subordinated. The murder of Milošević (11.3.2006) further incriminated ICTY. August 2005 withdrawal of the “Greater Serbia” charge meant the case turned bad for prosecution and implicated NATO country leaders. Milošević’s knowledge of their crimes became threatening but the JPC complex has been alleging his nationalism and ethnic war calls. His “notorious” speech at Kosovo Polje stressed “equal and harmonious relations among Yugoslav peoples” as necessary for Yugoslavia existence;
“Serbia has never had only Serbs living in it […] Yugoslavia is a multinational community and it can survive only under the conditions of full equality for all nations that live in it.”
JPC media called the speech “stirringly virulent nationalist”, “fervent speech [that] galvanized the nationalist passions that two years later fueled the Balkan conflict”. Holbrooke called the speech “racist” and “inflammatory”, and labeled Milošević a liar for denying the media lies. In his strife for equal rights for Serbia within federal Yugoslavia, in 1999 Milošević “refused to give autonomy to Kosovo”, according to politicians like Holbrooke. Actually, Kosovo enjoyed one of Europe’s most extensive autonomies since 1970s, but extremist Albanians wanted independence by terror. Milošević tried to defend Serbs who were stranded in hostile secessionist states. He wanted to keep Yugoslav Federation with all the Serbs. This is called “Greater Serbianism” – “Orwellian political rhetoric that transforms a weak (and failed) defense into a bold and aggressive offense”.
Under German presidency, a proposal for an EU directive outlawed denial of mass crimes. Hinting German stakes, the draft refered to crimes of the last 20 years, including war crimes and alleged genocides in Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and extended the idea of Holocaust denial to “gross minimisation of genocide out of racist and xenophobic motives”. The crime of abusing the term and interventionist demonization based on it, aren’t in. Anti-war lawyer Christopher Black likened the Rwanda and Yugoslavia tribunals; Hutu regime leaders are labelled war criminals to justify Tutsi dictatorship and cover up US, British, Belgian and Ugandan role in the genocide.
Like Milošević, Europe’s most wanted man for more than a decade before his capture in July 2008, Karadžić represents himself. He refused to enter pleas to charges, including Srebrenica genocide and crimes against humanity, since the prosecution still didn’t have an indictment against him. Former advisor to Milošević called ICTY “a killing machine” for murder of a dozen Serbs; Milošević “was denied medical treatment when he needed urgent medical assistance”, so any Serb who gets there “must be afraid for his life”, also Karadžić. A secret deal with Holbrooke offered Karadžić immunity if he disappeared after the war, which he did. The Americans didn’t keep their promise. Karadžić‘s extradition was a condition for Serbia’s EU membership, but Serbs expect only humiliation.
ICTY and the term genocide
ICTY has relativized “genocide”, thus degrading the term, denying WWII events for which Lemkin created it, and injuring the memory of the victims; “no national legal system […] will withstand the pressure of such a totalitarian judicial system”. Srebrenica Research Group wrote several years later:
“The term genocide, once reserved for the most horrific crime, the planned extermination of a particular group, was manipulated by the ICTY to justify indictments that preceded any serious investigation of events related to the capture of Srebrenica.” 
ICTY found Bosnian Serb gen. Radislav Krstić guilty of genocide on contradicting evidence. If the Serbs intended genocide in Srebrenica, then why: they transported Bosnian Muslim women and children to safety by busses; didn’t surround the town before its capture to prevent thousands of males from escaping to safety; the Muslim soldiers willingly left their women, children and wounded to the mercies of the Serbs; and 10,000 mainly Muslim residents of Zvornik sought refuge in Serbia?
The ICTY suggested a Serbian PR show-off with the busses. Srebrenica Research Group commented: “failing to do some criminal act despite your desire is called “not committing a crime”.” Killing many males in a group to reduce its future population, endangers its viability in that area, i.e. it is genocide, ICTY ruled. Judges can make genocide of any case of killing enemy soldiers. The Serbs killed Muslim military war criminals to prevent future killings of Serbs. After separating the criminals, Serb forces let free thousands of captured soldiers and suspects disguised as civilians. The released men were transported to safe Muslim areas. Perhaps the Serb crime of liquidating the war criminals was “a crime to protect humanity”, but first, the BiH killer force commanders should be tried.
Were the Serbs trying to eliminate all the Muslims in Srebrenica or Bosnia? ICTY judges suggested that pushing them out of the Srebrenica area was itself genocide, thus equating genocide with ethnic cleansing. Then ethnic cleansing of Serbs from Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo should be tried, too. ICTY‘s arbitrary interpretation created “a new precedent and new standards, […and] a new international definition of the term genocide.” Key to ascertaining genocide are target group identification, villains intent and crime substantiality. ICTY has adjusted the factors to fit the genocide definition:
- Target group: “Bosnian Muslim men of military age at Srebrenica” (§197) were soldiers of the 28th Division of the Bosnian Muslim army, and had left Srebrenica under arms before the VRS arrived. Bosnian Serbs bussed to safety women and children, the easiest target of genocide, but ICTY ignored it and chose the ambiguous men-of-military-age term. ICJ felt compelled to justify ICTY re-definition: “The Court observes that the ICTY Trial Chamber has indeed indicated the need for caution, lest this approach might distort the definition of genocide” (§199).
- Intent: Failing to find genocidal intent, ICTY posited that the plan had crystallized at a later stage (§292). This is a re-definition of the term, i.e. genocide could be spontaneous. The fact that women and children had been spared (a contradiction of the genocide claim) proved to ICTY that “some members of the VRS Main Staff intended to destroy the Bosnian Muslims in Srebrenica”. Hence, killing armed Muslim soldiers was an “act of genocide”. ICTY ruling that VRS “targeted for extinction” 40,000 Srebrenica Muslims, a group “emblematic of the Bosnian Muslims in general” (§293), was also contradictory. Moving Muslims from the fallen “UN safe areas” Goražde and Zepa produced no allegation of genocide.
- Substantiality: ICTY limited the alleged genocide area to the town of Srebrenica (§199), the nest of Bosnian Muslim forces. Regardless of the manner in which the soldiers perished, ICTY assumption inflated the casualties relative to Srebrenica’s pre-attack population, rather than to Bosnia’s Muslim population.
SFOR first arrested Orić in Tuzla where he lived since 1995 evacuation from Srebrenica. Many Bosnian Muslims consider him a hero. Orić was indicted in 2003, for killing 7 persons, atrocities on 10 persons, and destruction and pillaging of “at least 50 villages and hamlets with Serbian ethnic majority”. Orić’s murders number over 3,000 people. ICTY cliché of Bosnian Muslim victims proved double standard of military versus civilian casualty. In 1996, Serb Republic (BiH) submitted the evidence of Orić’s crimes, but to ICTY, he had engaged in “defense” and “self-defense”, while VRS killing Muslim soldiers in combat and execution of criminal POWs was genocide. In her reaction to 2005 publication of the number of Bosnian Serb killed by Orić forces, Florence Hartmann of ICTY’s Office of the Prosecutor, called the civilian victims “Military or Police casualties from combat”. For ICTY, the Croat ethnic cleansing of 250,000 Krajina Serbs was not genocide. either, even though women, children, the elderly and infirm were killed in a cleansing on a much larger scale.
International Court of Justice cleared Serbia of all counts of Bosnian Muslim charge of “committing, conspiring, helping, instigating and collaborating in genocide” in the Bosnian war (1992-1995). The court irrevocably ruled (26.2.2007) that Serbia wasn’t responsible for acts of genocide, clearing Serbia of the Srebrenica massacre and war reparations to Bosnia. Will the Western leaders and media that had been dishonest, rabidly Serbophobic and wrong since 1992, face charges for instigation of hatred and wars? ICJ effectively exonerated former president Milošević who had been maintaining until his death that neither Yugoslavia nor Serbia had commanded the Bosnian Serb army, nor had pursued “Greater Serbism” (a charge ICTY dropped in 2005 for lack of evidence). ICJ ruling derails ICTY rationale for the show case. The ruling belies military interventions to stop genocide in the Balkans, indirectly blaming the other actors, external and internal, for the civil wars. A professed failure to intervene tough enough in the Balkans has partly justified interventions in other regions; the ICJ ruling undermines the interventionism. The Nuremberg Trial court has ruled that initiation of war of aggression is “the supreme international crime deferring only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.” A former Nuremberg prosecutor quoted justice Robert Jackson, the head of the American prosecution at that trial, that “launching a war aggression is a crime” and “no political or economic situation can justify it.”
ICTY had convicted Bosnian Serb army officers Krstić and Blagojević for Srebrenica genocide by re-defining the term. Without an independent investigation, the ICJ copied ICTY’s decision and blamed the Serb Republic, Karadžić and Mladić for “an act of genocide”, inviting reclassification of most conflicts as “genocide” or where “act of genocide has occurred”. Equally irrational ICJ ruling found Serbia guilty of not punishing and extraditing alleged villains, as if Serbia had knowledge of their whereabouts and means to do it. ICJ deemed Belgrade guilty of “failing to prevent” Bosnian Serbs from overtaking Srebrenica and committing genocide there. NATO Rapid Reaction Force and UNPROFOR were in a better position to know and act, but ICJ ignored it. Riding on this, Bosnian Muslims sued the Netherlands for $1.3 billion because “Dutch troops were actively assisting“ VRS units. When Yugoslavia questioned (1996) ICJ jurisdiction over the Bosnian Muslim lawsuit, ICJ explained it lacked adjudication power. When Yugoslavia askedto order NATO states to “cease immediately” the 1999 bombing and to “refrain from any act of threat or use of force”, ICJ rejected the case, for lack of “prima facie jurisdiction” for eight NATO members, but invoked lack of consent from the USA and Spain, as if the prima facie rationale was not sufficient. A UN court can’t adjudicate breaches of UN Charter?
ICJ deemed massive killings throughout BiH to be beyond its jurisdiction, since intent of genocide wasn’t proven. By contrast, protracted exterminations of Serbian villages around Srebrenica (the “protected group”) by Orić’s forces indicate the intent. Protection of Orić’s forces in the “UN safe area” and arming them incriminates the “international community” as helping and collaborating in genocide, or failing to prevent genocide. Arguably, all warring parties could sue their adversaries, including the non-radical Bosnian Muslim majority against Izetbegović’s regime.
ICJ accepted ICTY findings “as highly persuasive”, without an independent investigation of the alleged Srebrenica genocide. The relaxation of the standard of proof contrasted with the requirement of “fully conclusive” evidence regarding alleged genocide by Serbia in Bosnia, and “proof at a high level of certainty appropriate to the seriousness of the allegation” regarding prevention of genocide and punishment and extradition of perpetrators. ICJ’s confirmation of Srebrenica genocide, and its ruling on NATO bombing, prove politicization through methods ranging from arbitrary setting of jurisdictional base, to selective standards of proof. Of all the post-WWII killings, ICJ focused on the Balkans, as JPC did. Other conflicts had produced millions of civilian victims, yet ICJ focused on the case of Bosnia, where about 50,000 civilians died on all sides, of which a number much smaller than the alleged 7,000 attracted attention at Srebrenica.
ICJ revisionistically accepted ICTY judgments, while Germany proposed a European law against genocide denial. An analyst asked:
“Who will be the guardians of the “official truth” and what is to stop them (as we see with the ICTY and ICJ rulings) from effectively revising history themselves? It then becomes a political minefield, let alone a threat to those historians who have no ax to grind when researching historical events.”
ICJ performance in the first application of adjudication of the Genocide Convention to war crimes, doesn’t support genocide policing nor prosecution. Guilt can be arbitrarily attributed with selective justice. As clearly as they have provided cover for the “supreme international crime”, the ICJ and ICTY courts have manufactured “genocide” where some interests needed it for interventionism and cover-ups of own crimes. This is a variation of JPC’s political exploits of Holocaustianism.
Muslim, Croat and Albanian extremists engaged in atrocities and war crimes, but accused their Serb victims. Croats and Albanians conspired to take Serbs‘ territory, yet, with Slovenians they accused Serb leaders of Greater Serbianism. The media co-created “an elite-sanctioned false “reality” tailor-made for the masses”, by withholding facts contradicting the “politically correct” view, “using labels without precise definition, and adhering to certain “authorised” versions of historical events which are frequently not borne out by the facts.”
Western journalists compromised ethical code for US-NATO campaigns, failed to verify information and seldom reported from the other side. It means military Information Operations’ control of the media. Berkeley University history professor emeritus alluded to the interventionist control in “a decade of carefully nurtured Serbophobia”, “a “patriotic mutuality” of government and media” that “never loomed as large in peacetime as in the last decade”. Keeping appearances is part of the deception. With insignificant own losses, Yugoslavia resisted US-NATO attack in Kosovo, and significantly hurt the agressor who denied the Serbs any credit. NATO boasted about “kills” of Mig‑29. Just before the withdrawal and two days after NATO said that four Mig‑21 survived, 12 MiG‑29 and 29 Mig‑21 emerged from bunkers. NATO changed previous dispatch of 11 Mig‑29 saved , to 11 less advanced Mig‑21. The actual number of saved aircraft agreed with war-time Yugoslav reports. 
Employing behavioural science and mass media, Information Operations, target foreign nations, groups and governments. Pentagon actions “convey and/or deny selected information and indicators to foreign audiences to influence their emotions, motives, and objective reasoning; and to intelligence systems and leaders at all levels”. Perception management “combines truth projection, operation security, cover and deception, and psychological operations.” NATO PsyOps are “planned psychological activities in peace and war directed to enemy, friendly and neutral audiences in order to influence attitudes and behavior affecting the achievement of political and military objectives”. PsyOp’s Public Affairs provide “objective reporting without intent to propagandize”, by disseminating information via press releases, media briefings and statements. NATO spokesman on Kosovo conflict Jamie Shea told a Swiss forum “he won the war” with daily briefings in a PR style. News brokers send so-prepared information to media outlets, where infowar operations subtly control chief editors.
Serbo- and Islamophobia are PsyOp creations. A deep control of the global media, a JPC domain, to demonize the Serbs was perhaps the most “successful” aspect of the Balkan wars. Propaganda has prepared for US-NATO wars in the Middle East and the Balkans by demonizing the leaders and their people, “based on projection of truths and credible message [that serve to discredit] adversary propaganda or misinformation against the operations of US/coalition forces [which] is critical to maintaining favorable public opinion.”
US Special Operations is a joint command that can assemble teams of experts in different fields to mission requirements: PsyOp, special operations units (such as British SAS, US Delta) and co-opted militants, such as KLA, e.g. in the staging of Račak massacre. As in the anti-Serb Bosnian Muslim campaigns, Pentagon and NATO colluded with mainstream media, effectively shaping public opinion. Reduced to a handful of conglomerates, corrupted media mold public mind. Except for a few large enough to maintain own reporters, the media depend on the chains for news and then speak with a single voice. The newspapers set the trends and guidelines, and originate the news for the others to copy. In a joint venture with NYT, Washington Post publishes International Herald Tribune, the most widely distributed English-language daily, with regional and national versions. The bankers call in their loans if the media disagreez with them. Going against the system could affect one’s career.
References to “military sources”, “senior administration officials” and “Pentagon analysts” indicate Washington Post has government insiders. Standard phrases in the press agree with the official position. Military censors vet an article before the press publishes it: “This article was discussed extensively in recent days with several senior civilian and military Defense Department officials.” Opinion polls are manufactured to meet government specs. White House aides have indicated that the media lend themselves to “selling” the war to America. Military control of the media extends to the battlefields. On a given day, a few selected out of hundreds of reporters go escorted to scenes deemed fit for the public. Pre-approved by the military, the coverage is shared and the global media disseminate a single version. This “embedding” of reporters in Gulf War 2 compromised journalistic ethics. Pentagon press briefings would black out or distort any incriminating leaks from independent reporters. Should independent sources fail to observe this censorship their facilities are targeted with US precision-guided munitions, as were Serbian Radio and TV facilities, consistent with Special Operations integration of services.
Dehumanize and criminalize
Newsweek (19.4.1999) cover featured Milošević‘s “Face of Evil”, and Time (5.4.1999) showed it with an assassin’s crosshairs centered between his eyes. A US state department official has acknowledged that “the demonization of Milosevic is necessary to maintain the air attacks”. Labeling Milošević “the Butcher of the Balkans”, “the Balkan Hitler”, and “Europe’s Saddam Hussein” resembles the demonization of Hussein. In Gulf War 1 the media called him “the Butcher of Baghdad”, “the Raper of Kuwait” and “the Middle East Hitler” to make Americans support US interventionism. After Milošević’s death (11.3.2006), the demonizing terms appeared “hundreds of times in the US media alone”. Milošević’s death prompted a pursuit of Karadžić and Mladić. But Sharon, whose 1982 invasion and killings in Lebanon ICTY cited as “genocide”, remains an honored “man of peace”.
Media reduce foreign conflicts to “good guys – bad guys” cliches. The personal attacks on the enemy leader slip into stereotyping of an entire people, totally misrepresentating and generating hatred. Calls to “bomb Milošević” evolved into “bomb the Serbs”. Calls to “bomb Saddam” became “bomb Baghdad”. The Nuremberg Tribunal included into war crimes the Nazi propaganda that drove Germans into war. The US-NATO spread interventionist propaganda to “justify” bombing of civilians, embargos and political blackmail.
The criminalization and dehumanization of Serbs has taken root in the mass psychology, with the implication that Serbs are inferior. The infowar has been falsifying Serbian image into Nazi-like villains:
“role reversal continues today, with the Croatian state and many of it citizens claiming they were the true allies of the west, and the Serbian people, collective Nazi Allies and collaborators.”
German media joined Croat propaganda that the “civilized world” must “stop the uncivilized Serbs by military means” because,
“news has been filtering out of Croatia, from Catholic bishops and the clergy, that the Serbian army […] are carrying out brutal mass murders in the territories under their control.”
The media fooled the public that Yugoslavia was involved militarily in the Bosnian conflict. Bosnian Serbs, Muslims and Croats took weapons from disintegrating JNA units. JNA withdrew from BiH (19.5.1992), but “the media in the West keeps accusing us of participating in the armed conflict outside our country.” A historian captured media‘s priming of US involvement: “the story of “genocide in Bosnia” (and later in Kosovo) was manufactured from scraps of fact that had only the most tenuous relationship with the truth.
Western public accepted a suspected “Serb” crime as a certitude. The criminalization required suppression of evidence of anti-Serb crimes, leaving Serbs without a recourse to have their rights respected. The media rarely mentioned mass crimes on the other sides, despite evidence. Human rights organizations spoke of Croatia “retaking” and “liberating” Krajina and Western Slavonia, as if Serbs came there recently. Similarly Serbs had “seized the land from the majority Muslims”. Bosnian Serbs, mostly farmers, had inhabited over 60% of Bosnia. Muslims had been town dwellers, so Serbs had “occupied” more territory.
German Nazi mass crimes have had at he base the Übermensch concept of the German and Nordic race, who have surpassed the sub-human (Untermensch) Slavs, Gypsies and Jews. The present demonizers retain a clear conscience by dehumanizing and projecting the planned subjugation or genocide on the victim. Among anti-Serb quotes, Peter Ustinov compared the Serbs (“criminals and renegades” in need for “enemies rather than friends”) to creatures who were in arrear with the “human race”. They were so lowly that dealing with them jeopardized own “honour”, “decency” and “self-respect”.
In the British House of Lords, fantasies on mass rapes and unbelievable atrocities fueled racist rhetoric. In April 1993, Lord McNair alleged that Serb psychiatrists manipulated emotions of the Serbs, examined target cultures, and worked out “the psychology of terror”. Then supposedly Serb forces sieged a Muslim region and carrid out public rapes to defile local women. To finish the fiction, McNair added that the Muslim community felt defiled and readily left, for a far-away camp with rape and other maltreatment.
ICTY accused the Serbs of pursuing Greater Serbianism, concocted by Balkan and Western media from Memorandum, a 1986 draft by SANU, that warned of the civil wars. Nine years after publication, SANU commented on the falsifications of Serbian cause that covered up Slovenian and Croat illegal secessions and crimes. Comparisons of Memorandum to Mein Kampf failed to prove Milošević’s nationalism. Similarly, few have read his speeches, not even the most often cited (but not quoted) 1989, Kosovo Polje speech. He meant equal rights for Serbia within federal Yugoslavia. In 1999, he “refused to give autonomy to Kosovo”, but Kosovo enjoyed one of Europe’s best autonomies since 1970s; extremist Albanians abused it and fought for independence. Milošević tried to defend Serbs who were stranded in secessionist states, and “he wanted but did not fight very hard to preserve a shrunken Yugoslav Federation that would have kept all the Serbs in a successor common state”; labelling this Greater Serbianism is “Orwellian political rhetoric that transforms a weak (and failed) defense into a bold and aggressive offense”.
Editors and journalists succumbed to political agendas, treating Western aid to Bosnian Muslims an unquestionable benefit. They played a central role in calling for arming Bosnian Muslims and Western intervention. Reporters shunned Iranian and mujahedin role in Bosnia; “One Dutch journalist discovered the arms shipments in Zagreb airport but chose not to report it because he felt very warmly towards the Bosnian Muslims.” An international collection of 15 critiques exposed many news reports on the war in Bosnia as distorted or untrue; Peter Brock’s article in the American Foreign Policy magazine “is considered to have provoked a debate on the quality of Western reporting on the Balkans.” The volume’s editor, Klaus Bittermann diagnosed that Nazi methods have been attributed to Serbs, and “secessionist war has been compared with Auschwitz”; “facts have been forged, fictitious stories about massacres have been launched, and events have been misrepresented”.
Bosnia became a mission to many journalists covering the Bosnian war. They accepted Bosnian and US government versions “instead of independently verifying evidence”; US Army an intelligence officer in Sarajevo from April to August 1994, John Sray called them (October 1995) the “pawns of the propaganda structure”, to whom job security depends on “obtaining thirty seconds of good video footage accompanied with appropriate sound bites from Muslim officials or their populace.” He noted that US European allies had “more in-depth, professional, and probing journalism and better reporting from their embassies” and ignored propaganda from the Bosnian Muslim government and the PR firms.
The “decision-making elites, media pundits, and many academics” have displayed “a bias in Balkan affairs which goes beyond any one piece of deliberate policy, and which falls outside the parameters of rational debate.” No analysis relates how the media diffuse “the political aims of governments”. US Balkan experts William Dorich, Alex Dragnich and David Binder spoke at the National Press Club (17.3.2006). When Peter Brock came to Doritch to publish Media Cleansing: Dirty Reporting, Doritch was aware that it “was submitted and rejected by every major publisher” in the USA. Dragnich submitted 42 articles to the NYT at the height of the Bosnian war. Not one was reproduced. Doritch received death threats for daring to defend and publish Serbian views. He said that during Yugoslavia’s dismemberment, the major US papers hadn’t published one article by a Serb intellectual or politician:
“Serbs were simply muzzled into silence. Thanks to Madeleine Albright and Richard Holbrooke Serbs were also made Persona non grata here on The Hill and denied the right to appear before any House and Senate hearings on Bosnia including the Council on Foreign Relations.”
Binder reported on the Sarajevo market massacre (28.8.1995), a pretext to post-WWII Europe’s largest war operation. Banned from publishing in NYT, Binder wrote in Nation (2.10.1995) that the explosion took place a day after Holbrooke announced an escalation of air raids. Doritch attended a panel discussion where Merlino said:
“All journalists in Bosnia are required to submit their articles to Bosnian censors in Sarajevo […] any reference to conflicts between Croatians and Muslim forces are heavily edited, visual images of these conflicts are forbidden.”
The publisher of Brock’s Dateline Yugoslavia organized an accountability session where, facing a roomful of media “pit bulls”, Brock (and Binder) restated his findings about the co-belligerent Western pack journalism. Critics harangued Brock as a “holocaust denier”. In preparation of Media Cleansing, Brock confronted his colleagues. They complained to his superiors at his newspaper, and even threatened him with lawsuits. For writing about Binder and Brock’s exposing fraudulent journalism, a CNS reporter was fired, following a government official’s complaint.
Some genocide scholars still believe spins, begging scrutiny in light of the ICJ ruling (26.2.2007) on alleged Serbian genocide in Bosnia. Yale University history professor Benedict Kiernan has affirmed “Serb perpetrators of Bosnian genocide”. He directs Yale’s Genocide Studies Program, co-funded by Open Society Institute of Soros who also funds ICTY and NGOs that chant anti-Serbism. Relying on Norman Cigar’s Genocide in Bosnia, Kiernan wrote (p 88):
“Other genocidal regimes have also portrayed themselves as protectors of peasant life against urbanites and rural rivals. The perpetrators of the Bosnian genocide of 1992-94 saw their Muslim victims as city dwellers, in contrast to the rural Serb peasantry.”
The “perpetrators” “saw” what actually was there: Serbs lived in the countryside, and their adversaries were urbanites. As absurdly, Cigar-Kiernan charged expansionism mixed with racist and religious motives (p 92):
“As in the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust, Cambodia, Bosnia and Rwanda, the tragedy of East Timor demonstrates the virulent, violent mix of racism, religious prejudice, expansionism, and idealization of cultivation […] their deadly combination is a persistent feature of twentieth century genocide.”
In one sentence, Kiernan names unproven Bosnian genocide, attributes to Serbs their adversaries’ chauvinism, and confuses expansionism with protecting Serbs from being forcefully incorporated into Serbophobic states. Bosnian Serbs certainly didn’t invade the lands with the fall of Yugoslavia and their defense had little to do with “idealization of cultivation”. Kiernan cited double falsehood (p 82), following Slovenian-Croatian spin:
“The 1986 Serbian Memorandum which prepared much of the ideological basis for the genocide in Bosnia, urged “the establishment of the full national integrity of the Serbian people, regardless of which republic or province it inhabits.””
ICJ absolved Serbia from all counts of genocide in Bosnia. ICTY had to drop the charge of “Greater Serbianism” in 2005 for lack of proof. Bosnian Muslims indeed faced “disappearance” after Tito, the creator of this religion-based “nationality” to reduce the percentage of Serbs, had died. He had delineated the republics to weaken the Serbs (“the weaker the Serbs, the stronger Yugoslavaia”), by dividing them between five Yugoslav republics. Two illegal secessions in 1991 violated the right of Serbs to stay in the Yugoslav federation, and it was appropriate for Serb leaders to agitate consolidation across the federal borders.
A British Academy research fellow and member of Cambridge history department, Marko Attila Hoare wrote nonsense on the late Milošević:
“deliberately promoted the break-up of Yugoslavia and the independence of Croatia and Slovenia […] waged wars against sovereign independent states without a mandate from the UNSC […] …was the leader of a secessionist Serbian rebellion against a Titoist Yugoslavia that had kept Serbia in check.”
Hoare co-drafted ICTY indictment of Milošević. OpenDemocray.net that published his misleading text is an “alternative media” outlet, funded by Soros’ Open Trust, Rockefeller Foundation and others. In charge of OpenDemocracy.net are big business executives, a warhawk professor at New York University, and a philosopher known for “Advocating Tobacco, On the Payroll of Tobacco”.
The scholars forgot to mention Croatia. If ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, why not the Croat crimes? Acquiring land and properties by expulsion was the object of Operations Lightning and Storm, as were previous intimidations and terror in Croatia. It’s a perversion to pin the cited characteristics on the defenders of their land. What is genocide research woth, if politics and prejudice influence it so easily?
Yale’s Adam Jones presented Milošević’s media, a “well-known” case beside Hitler’s, as being “under most effective control”. But,
“the Croatian Administration has purged all of the Croatian media of any opposition (let alone Serbian) elements, at the same time that the Western media were led to believe that the Serbian media were universally controlled by […] Milošević. And yet in Serbia most television and press would consider itself to be freely in opposition to, or at least critical of, the current leadership.”
To Jones, Serb media warnings about mass violence is “extremism”. Serbs had feared neo-Ustaše, and Jones acknowledged this in the context of Operation Lightning. As mass violence anticipators, Serbian media and academics performed better than the “genocide scholars”. Wikipedia disproves Jones’s thesis that exploitation of folk music proves Milošević’s Volk ideology (p 148). “Turbofolk tactic” didn’t target the “peasant constituency” (p 140); it had “a considerable following among the urban youth, with no parallels in its Balkan commercial folk predecessor”:
“turbo-folk was equally popular amongst the South Slavic nations during the brutal wars of the 1990s, reflecting perhaps the common cultural sentiments of the warring sides. Milošević “abused” turbo-folk no more than post-Milošević regimes that saw its comeback as pop-folk”.
“Traditional folk perceptions” were hardly “redeployed to buttress Serb hegemony” in Kosovo (p 140). One can examine Milošević’s most cited but least read speech. As ridiculously, Jones (p 188, 194) alleged “gendercide against civilian males” in Srebrenica. The evidence points neither to genocide nor gendercide. Execution of war criminals is not gendercide because soldiers are men (from age 15 in Muslim armies).
Failing to notice that mass Serbian rapes had been a hoax, Hiroshima City University history professor Yuki Tanaka compared sexual oppression of the “comfort women” and “the rape victims in BiH”. Over a decade after the anti-Serb allegations, an Amnesty International report didn’t mention any rapes by Serbs in Bosnia. Tanaka didn’t notice that Serb females in Bosnia and Kosovo had fallen victims to terror rape, and NATO, UN, and international aid staff, the clientele of Balkan sexual slave industry, had been acccomplices in gender-specific mass violence.
In the Balkans, as in Iraq and Pakistan, covert operations, terror and failed-by-design diplomacy and justice accompanied economic sanctions, while infowar matched ferocious US-NATO attacks on Yugoslav civilians in absence of military success. The “civil wars” covertly supported separatists in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia, aiming to cause “regime change”. The sanctions, although not as genocidal as in Iraq, have contributed to Yugoslavia break-up, devastating the Serbs.
Covert action and economic sanctions
In 1984, three years before Milošević came to power and six years before Yugoslavia’s breakup, the White House had issued “US Policy Towards Yugoslavia”, a blueprint for a new Balkan order. In 1986 Yugoslavia began to examine CIA exploitation of Slovenian youth’s nationalist emotions to break the country up. Later, CIA intensified its activity. After US-NATO Kosovo campaign, CIA acted almost openly. The 1990, US National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) referred to Balkan human rights, predicting Yugoslavia’s breakup within 18 months and civil war. “Prophetically” it had scapegoated president of Serbia Milošević as the instigator. NYT (28.11.1990) wrote that a law had barred US loans or credits for Yugoslavia, except for a republic “which has held free and fair elections and which is not engaged in systematic abuse of human rights.’“ The speculative time until Yugoslavia’s breakup later coincided with the military actions by the Croat extremists to initiate secession of Croatia.
As US military was aiding Croat and Muslim forces, US defence secretary William Perry lied (June 1995) to congress about US impartiality in Bosnia. A month earlier, UAV were launched at Brac in Croatia, to spy on Serbian military. A Croat attack on Serb locations under UN protection in Sector West killed 5000 Serb civilians according to Serbian Orthodox Church, 1000 according to UN, including several UN soldiers. US was involved and issued no criticism.
Albright blocked French and British efforts to embargo Croatia, but US defence and state departments approved (November 1994) MPRI contract with Croatia. “Retired” generals — former head of DIA Edward Shoister, former deputy chief of operations in central Europe Richard Grifit, and Carl Vuono – advised Croat ethnic cleansing in UN-protected Krajina. Operation Storm jammed Serbian communications with US equipment. US Navy planes out of Aviano knocked out Krajina Serb military facilities. NATO intelligence director Charles Boyd confirmed US help with Storm. Vuono met with Croat counterpart before Storm that used Desert Storm’s rapid attack on many fronts. EU refugee commissioner Emma Bonino announced 10,000 Serb civilians missing among Storm refugees. 90% of Storm’s mass graves were nameless. Three state department sources told NYT’s David Binder that US envoy Holbrooke who flew to Zagreb to meet Tuđman (ostensibly to prevent Storm), gave green light for Storm. In his memoirs he acknowledged he had encouraged it.
To expel Bosnian Serbs, Clinton administration fostered Storm-like Croat-Muslim military offensive, despite UN and European peace-making. Slated by Holbrooke, Bosnian Serb cities were attacked before Dayton, creating an unknown number of mass graves and refugee waves as Storm’s. Bosnia war’s largest Serbian mass grave was found in Mrkonjic Gral (1996). 90% of US financing aid went to Bosnian Muslims, while ICTY US-dominated staff prosecuted Serbs. US Information Agency reported (December 1995) that Serbs were most likely to have lost a family member.
NIE 2005 predicted a “Yugoslav-like fate” for Pakistan, due to “economic mismanagement”, i.e. IMF-World Bank prescriptions that invariably precipitate hyperinflation. In December 1989, IMF imposed austerities on already troubled Yugoslavia; World Bank dismantled the banking system, laid off over half a million employees, and ordered two-thirds of jobs eliminated. As in Pakistan, IMF froze federal fund transfers in January 1990, leaving Yugoslav republics stranded financially, leading to mass poverty and heightened social divisions”, and fuelling “secessionist tendencies that fed on economic factors as well as ethnic divisions, virtually ensuring the de facto secession of the republics”. US Congress resolution 101-513 (5.11.1990) threatened to cut off all aid, commerce, credits and loans to Yugoslavia, if each of its republics didn’t hold free elections within six months. The 1990 NIE “prophecy” and the money-for-democracy bill have guided US Balkan policy. The “economic warfare” unleashed extremism and nationalist hatreds among the leaders of the republics, whom the federal government could no longer finance and who received Yugoslavs’ blame. The embargo was expanded during Bosnian civil war, after the Dayton accords, and again after the 1999 bombing. To bolster pro-US opposition, Albright said free and fair elections in Serbia would end most of the sanctions.
Sarajevo marketplace (Markale) false-flag massacres fooled the West thrice, by declaring Serbs guilty for Izetbegović’s sacrifice of Muslims to secure Western support. Each Markale explosion happened before an important meeting to justify: anti-Serb embargo in 1992, NATO bombing of Serb military and civilians in 1994-1995, and a final US-NATO offensive in 1995. A French and a British investigation confirmed that the Bosnian Muslims were guilty of the last massacre, but a US officer overruled the findings. The US air force started to bomb Serbs. Bypassing UNSC, US command had already picked up Bosnian Serb targets with Muslim help. Media created tolerance if not enthusiasm for the intervention.
Borisa Starovic in Chronicles relayed the only trauma he found in victims of the first attack was to the lower extremities, i.e. due to pre-planted charges, a ploy to blame the Serbs, according to UN commander Satisha Nambijar’s classified report leaked to Independent. Holbrooke denied US involvement. The next explosion killed 68; Albright and senator Dole declared Serbs guilty, Dole visited Markale, but UN and NATO obtained evidence of Muslim villainy. NATO’s Boyd and a new commander in Sarajevo, Michael Rose concluded Muslim hoax to elicit NATO bombing Serbs. Owen in Balkan Oddysey wrote the shell came from Muslim positions. Two months after the massacre, Bosnian Muslims had NATO intervene in Goražde. With US advisors, Muslim forces attacked Serb villages. To drive out 12,500 Goražde civilian Serbs, Muslims had faked ham radio reports that were broadcast by US TV.
US media presented Serb response as an unprovoked attack on UN safe zone Goražde. Washington and Sarajevo urged UN to authorise air strike, but Rose called off bombing, as Muslims had manipulated casualty damage reports. By December 1992, Bosnian Muslim government estimated the number of dead at 17,000, two months later at 200,000, even though the fighting practically ceased. In NYT Sunday Magazine in Fall 1994, former state department’s George Kenney criticized the media-inflated numbers, while International Red Cross counted 20-35,000 (1994), and US military 60-80,000. British intelligence accused CIA of anti-Serb bias. A CIA study limited to areas held by Bosnian Serbs, reported 90% of ethnic cleansing was by Serbs in Bosnia. Serbs cleansed from Bosnia and Croatia, voluntary refugees according to CIA, were excluded, while international agencies stated 40% of refugees were Serbs. Similarly, Sarajevo claims of 30-50,000 Muslim females raped by Serbs, dropped to 2400 raped on all sides of the conflict, according to UN investigation.
Injustice to Palestinians and Muslims takes an exception in JPC support to Balkan Islamists. UN Resolution 713 (25.9.1991) suspended the delivery of all weapons and military equipment to Yugoslavia. Lifting the embargo for Muslims and Croats against the Serbs was in Clinton’s 1992 election campaign, and US entered the war after his inauguration. US allowed Iran to provide weapons and mujahedin, thus helping create an Islamist state and giving Iran greater influence in the Balkans. National security advisor Anthony Lake outlined the US policy: “arms going to Bosnian Croats and Muslims and air power to stop Serbian interference with these shipments”. Saudi intelligence urged Clinton to lead military aid to Bosnia, and US ambassador to Germany, Holbrooke drew up covert plans. As assistant state secretary he persuaded (August 1994) his department to license MPRI to train the Croat army. Urged by the US, Bosnian Muslims and Croats stopped fighting and formed their federation (13.3.1994). CIA was pressured to blame Bosnian Serbs for the ethnic cleansing. Its 1995 report on this proved distorted: using various “styles, approaches, and emphases”, PR firms in Bosnian employ, media pundits, and “sympathetic elements of the US State Department” had attacked anti-interventionists as pro-Serb or pro-Nazi.\
Key military personnel and UN staff previously stationed in Croatia and Bosnia went to Kosovo. MPRI was also on contract with the KLA. Gen. Jackson, while commanding IFOR in Croatia, had not rushed resettlement of Serbs, ostensibly to avoid conflicts with the Croats and the land mine threat. KFOR commander Jackson tolerated KLA terror that had the same “land mine” effect. War criminal from Croat bloody ethnic cleansing operations, gen. Çeku was later nominated KLA commander. NATO officials, Western heads of state and UN and ICTY officials knew of Çeku’s war crimes.
Iran started secret airlifts of arms to Bosnia via Croatia. By late 1993, Iran and Turkey armed and equipped 30,000 BiH soldiers, Croatia received up to 50% of the imports in transit fees, and the US adopted “a blind eye” policy. After Croat-Bosnian federation was formed, ambassador Galbraith passed Croat question, how the US would respond to smuggling resumption, onto deputy secretary of state Strobe Talbott and national security advisor Anthony Lake. Conscious of Iran’s influence in the Balkans, but for the advantages of arming the Muslims, they decided with Clinton (27.4.1994), “to give a green light to the arms supplies from Iran to Croatia”. US administration was officially hostile to Iran at the time, often criticising it for “sponsoring radical political groups and terrorists around the world”, and for arming Hezbollah and Hamas, but by early 1995 “Iranian cargo landed in Zagreb three times a week”;
“Turkey and Saudi Arabia were very willing to deliver weapons and to lure Izetbegovic away from Iran, but the orientation of the Bosnian government was far more towards Iran.”
UN observers and others reported (February-March 1995) frequent airlifts of arms to Bosnia, allegedly by Turkey with “the assent of parts of the US government”. Tim Ripley of Jane’s Intelligence Review blamed NSC and state department “covert warriors” and “freelance operatives” brought in by senior members of the Clinton administration. NATO’s admiral Leighton Smith was careful to only ambiguously deny US military involvement. US officers threatened a UN official to keep silent. On state department instructions, the US embassy pressured and threatened reporters. The administration’s duplicity staggered senior US military and CIA officials. According to Wiebes, CIA or DIA weren’t involved, and Pentagon special operations budget paid for the operation “with the complete assent of the White House”.
Western security and intelligence services supported secede-by-terror Bosnia and Kosovo; Serbs fought thousands mujahedin, who established Balkan bases. Iran, and other Muslim states brought mujahedin (1992 – January 1996), some suspected of links with al-Qaeda, from Afghanistan, Chechnya, Yemen, Saudi Arabia and Algeria. According to Sray, 4,000 mujahedin, “supported by Iranian special operations forces, have been continually intensifying their activities in central Bosnian for more than two years”. UN put the number at about 600. After 1995 the US claimed 1,200 – 1,400. Training camps were set up “possibly for hundreds of volunteers.” Kept away from the front, they played an important role as shock troops, in surprise attacks etc., but the local Muslims found them arrogant and extremist. Wiebes believes “everyone was aware” of mujahedin in Bosnia, “as they killed a British soldier early on”.
In 1994, Albania’s president Sali Berisha helped bin Laden set up a network through Saudi charity fronts. Albanian terrorists and mafia became a dominant regional economic, political, and military force. On his regime’s collapse in 1997, Berisha turned his family farm into a KLA base. Al-Qaeda and other criminals looted 10,000 heavy weapons and 100,000 passports. Thousands of Albanians had to hide, escaping vendettas and blood-feuds, but even the police and army couldn’t intervene. Berisha became Albania’s prime minister in 2005.
Albanians received support of Islamic states, Germany and US. BND played a key role in preparations for Yugoslavia’s breakup, but since the early 1990s, Germany and the USA have co-operated to divide the Balkans. JPC puppets US, Germany and UK triggered national Islamic liberation movements in Bosnia and Kosovo, and supported international Jihad there. German parliament’s overseer investigated media allegations that BND infiltrated EU monitoring that aimed at ceasefires and humanitarian aid. Head of the German EU monitors in Zagreb, Christoph von Bezold allegedly smuggled munitions across enemy lines to the Muslim-controlled Bihac pocket. US state department released terrorist organisations from its list, such as Hezbollah, to operate in Bosnia. This fact alone undermines the credibility of GWOT.
By mid-1990s, CIA, BND and MI6 provided covert support to al-Qaeda-supported KLA. In 1998, US state department removed KLA from an official list of terrorist groups, in violation of UNSC resolution 1160 (31.3.1998). An October 1998 Islamic conference in Pakistan called KLA struggle “Jihad”. On 23.2.1998, US special envoy to Bosnia, Robert Gelbard called KLA an Islamic terrorist organization. An Islamic organization cannot espouse secular values. Yet, US and NATO provided KLA with arms and training. By 1999, US and British special forces and MPRI trained KLA in its Northern Albanian bases.
Renamed Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) in the wake of 1999 war, KLA received UN status that granted sources of funding, including direct US military aid. Using UN resources and equipment, KPC-KLA assaulted Southern Serbia and Macedonia, where the Islamist militants and NATO joined hands in 2000-2001, again contradicting the official claim that Jihad, Western intelligence asset has “gone against their sponsors!” In June 2001, 500 KLA had captured Aracinovo in FYROM, but Macedonian forces cut them off and could kill them off. NATO brokered a deal under the threat of economic sanctions. NATO (incl. 16 MPRI members) evacuated the trapped KLA, only to release them to fight again. At an event for Kerry’s election campaign his senior foreign policy advisor by 2004, Holbrooke, and Wesley Clark socialized with KLA gun-runner and fundraiser Florin Krasniqi, an illegal Albanian immigrant.
JPC propaganda obscures any connection of Zionism with Nazism, and ignores genocides other than Shoah, a unique Holocaust of the Chosen People. “Anti-Semite”, “hater”, and “Nazi sympathizer” labels, personal ruin and imprisonment, guard JPC’s Holocaustian dogmas. Many Orthodox and secular Jews reject Holocaustianity, as Holocaust Industry’s corrupt base.
A Serbian-American historian Carl Savich shows that, to further JPC support to Kosovo secession by terrorism (that JPC abhors in Palestinian “Islamofascists”), a Polish-American Jew, Harvey Sarner has used the Albanians-rescued-all-Jews spin in Rescue in Albania (1997), endorsed by a famous Holocaust survivor from Hungary, US congressman Tom Lantos. The book doesn’t tell that Hitler has included Kosovo into Greater Albania, and it whitewashes the liquidation of thousands of Serbs, Gypsies and Jews and the expulsion of at least 100,000 Serbs from Kosovo by Albanian SS. The “rescue of Jews” had to do with a small number of Jews and a refusal of the Italian occupant to implement genocide. Hundreds of thousands of Poles, including children and Catholic clergy, saved thousands of Jews, despite Nazi death penalty for doing so, while themselves facing terror, hunger and annihilation.
Lantos hid behind Holocaustianity, while destroying and killing with others’ hands. Before and during WWII, the Zionist elites destroyed nations, including their own, with the Nazi German hands. Unlike the Nazis, Lantos had at his disposal Holocaust Religion. In 1992 after Enver Hoxha’s Communism collapsed and all Jews from Albania emigrated to Israel, Sarner published a broshure, and played a significant role in Jewish emigration. Savich believes the brochure had been a “thank you” note for Albania for 300 Jewish immigrants.
By 1997, Joe DioGuardi’s Albanian American Civic League (AACL) began to use Sarner’s book as propaganda before terrorizing Kosovo. Rejected by US voters in his 1988 re-nomination bid for US Congress, DioGuardi turned to Kosovo Albanians, the citizens of foreign country Yugoslavia. Founded in 1989, AACL aims to revive the 19th century idea of racially pure Greater Albania that Nazis have implemented in 1943. AACL supports this campaign “to liberate the seven million Albanian people in the Balkans from hostile Slavic domination”. What Hitler and the Albanian SS have started, JPC and KLA will finish. In the Balkan fascist mafia connection,
“against Serbia and Serbs are those receiving money from DioGuardi’s PAC [...on] both sides of the aisle but are mostly members of the House or Senate foreign relations committees: Joseph Lieberman and Jesse Helms, Benjamin Gillman and Tom Lantos”.
At AACL request, Gillman and Lantos endorsed Rescue in Albania, thereby denigrating the honour of hundreds of thousands of real rescuers, and trampling the memory of Kosovo Jews and millions of other Holocaust victims. This made Lantos’ pretentious survivorship and monopoly on human rights advocacy a joke. Zionist elites helped Nazis annihilate Lantos’ brethren. AACL distributed 10,000 copies of Sarner’s propaganda to influential US Jews. Congressman Gillman and James Traficant sent copies of the book with a cover letter to all congressmen, but with personal letters to each Jewish one. Traficant was later found guilty of bribery and corruption, and a House of Representatives panel voted to expel him from the Congress. According to Savich,
“the Albanian apologists will say and do anything to support Greater Albania, even break the law [...] Bribes can buy a lot of propaganda, or PR or spin. And the goal is to get people to kill other people and to take their land.” 
DioGuardi announced that in 1998, “when we had problems with Milosevic”, John McCain, the 2008 presidential candidate and recipient of AACL “Balkan Award for Peace”, must get support, as “he did everything we asked of him”, i.e. supporting KLA and Kosovo secession. In a draft Senate resolution written by McCain, he thanked the Albanians for “saving all the Jews who lived in Albania or who sought shelter there during the Nazi Holocaust”. Three weeks into the 1999 bombing, he announced US was in danger of losing the war to the Serbian Army (which had “antiquated machinery” and “absolutely no military air power”), unless infrastructure was massively attacked (“We all regret civilian losses, as well as our own, but they cannot be avoided”). MacCain, a JPC pawn in 2008 elections, advocated nuclear war with Iran.
Would a gain of a few hundred Israelis be worth the support to bloody Balkan wars? The Albanians “have bought” propaganda and spin, prompting Julia Gorin to cover for the neocons, as before. She complained unconvincingly, Holocaustian-style, “Jews used again!”. Albanians “learned early on—starting with the Bosnian and Croatian wars followed by the Kosovo war—that selling the Jews on your version of an ethnic rivalry can open doors”. Not even Balkan Islamists could “sell the Jews”. Israel is an accomplice in the case Gorin complains about. Wikipedia says Yad Vashem is “Israel’s official memorial to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust”. Albanian Lobby and Yad Vashem seek to revise history by proclaiming that all Jews were rescued from WWII Albania.
PR firms and NGOs
Fascist Croats, Bosnian Islamists, and Kosovo Albanian extremists have paid a US, PR firm Ruder Finn to demonize Serbs with the “death camp” hoax. The firm flooded the media with stories of Serbs’ genocide and mass crimes. The US intervention after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait employed a PR firm Hill and Knowlton’s “Kuwaiti baby” fraud;  a 15-year old daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the USA lied before the Congress that she saw Iraqi soldiers cut off food and oxygen in a nursery, killing dozens of Kuwaiti babies. President Bush cited it repeatedly, garnering public support for Gulf War 1, before CBS exposed the fraud. Lantos prepared this hoax with Citizens for a Free Kuwait and the Congressional Human Rights Foundation that he chaired. Both organizations were set up by Hill and Knowlton, the agents of Indonesia’s and Turkey’s cruel dictators. Later the firm worked for the Saudis to neutralize criticism of Osama bin Laden’s sponsors.
Ruder Finn used the Trnopolje hoax to “sell” the Bosnia story to US Jewish organizations. Equating Serbs with Nazis, and the Bosnian war with genocide, followed. Once the Jewry protested, the rest of the world believed. An April 1993 interview by Jacques Merlino, French TV 2 associate director, with Ruder Finn director James Harff, explained the firm served the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of BiH and the parliamentary opposition in Kosovo, “to put Jewish opinion on our side.” Knowing the deadly anti-Semitism of WWII in the Balkans, Harff foresaw that intellectuals and Jewish organizations would be hostile to Croats and Bosnian Muslims, whose present leaders were also racist. The firm reversed this, by exploiting Newsday (2-5.8.1992) story on the Serb camps, to convene major Jewish organizations. Harff suggested that they advertise in NYT and demonstrate outside UN, causing association of Serbs with Nazis in the public mind:
“A clear change took place in the press’s language as emotional terms such as ethnic cleansing and concentration camps appeared, all evoking Nazi Germany, the gas chamber at Auschwitz […] no one could go against it without being accused of revisionism.”
There was no proof of the death camps, but the goal was “to accelerate the circulation of news items which are favourable to us and [to] aim [them] at carefully selected targets.” Responsibility did not enter Harff‘s picture. According to a justice department report, Rudder Finn campaign “served to heavily misinform the Bush administration”. USA Today headline said it: “Fax and Dollars are the Weapons of War Used by Public Relations Firms”. For tribalism, money, or for both, Ruder Finn’s Jewish president David Finn aided JPC warmongering via Holocaustianity. According to Harff, from a list of several hundred names, a computer connected to a fax selects those journalists, politicians, humanitarian associations and academics who are likely to respond to an issue:
“Our craft consists in disseminating information […] as fast as possible so that the opinions favouring our cause are the first to be expressed […] the first assertion is the one that really counts. All denials are entirely ineffective.”
When the hoax was exposed, US Jewish community refused to straighten the record. A University of Florida activist unsuccessfully sought ADL‘s support against an anti-Serb book. A US professor of political science observed: “Using the Jewish Holocaust as their exclusive domain and forgetting the holocaust of the Serbs, the American Jewish Congress has gone overboard in their calls to bomb the Serbs.” By the time the hoax was exposed, the Jewish community refused to stop supporting a false cause. It is unlikely JPC couldn’t have known. During 1995, US-NATO bombing of Bosnian Serb Republic, Yugoslavia’s chief rabbi Cadik Danon addressed the American Jewish Committee that even American Jews were unable to withstand “unrestrained anti-Serbian propaganda” nor „recognize the Nazis and racist nature of the Serbophobic dogma [...nor] identify Serbophobia as a twin sister of anti-semitism.”
The Bilderberg Group has discussed in 2005 that NGOs may acquire an increasing role in the world government,  creating a “carrot” for
unprofessional NGO executives, who can then manipulate the grassroots and the public. Some NGOs support JPC policies. The American Enterprise Institute, Open Society, European Policy Center, the International Crisis Group, and others, have rallied for the amputation of Serbian territory. Linked to the US state department and CIA, they’re hardly NGO. The United States Institute of Peace (USIP) distorts and manipulates Balkan facts: “ethnic nationalists caused the wars”, nationalist forces of Tuđman, Karadžić and Milošević “made a difficult situation […] much worse”, but not the leader of Slovenia and Izetbegović, whose “agenda favored modernization through commitment to Islam and through the work ethic he saw bringing success to the West.”
Islamist bias is seen in calling “hostility” the UN peacekeeping reaction toward the Bosnian government, disputing proven claims “that the Bosniaks were shelling themselves” and blaming VRS for Bosnian false-flag attacks, while upkeeping Srebrenica myth that “VRS units massacred up to 7,800 men and boys in a well-coordinated operation directed by General Ratko Mladić”. The USIP brief by more than 250 international scholars doesn‘t document the alleged Srebrenica crimes, but for well-documented, crimes against Serb civilians, “further research is needed”. In Kosovo, where “the belief [sic] that Belgrade intended an extensive campaign of ethnic cleansing in its southern province, motivated Western intervention in 1999”, USIP is silent that alleged Operation Horseshoe to cleanse Kosovo was a fabrication. According to German intelligence and ICTY testimonies, KLA prompted the refugee exodus by driving Albanians out. NATO bombed a few refugee convoys who decided to head back home; it could not have been a mistake.
In USIP brief, “belief” also ruled the illegality of NATO aggression in Kosovo: “There was a clear belief among the NATO Allies that the intervention was legal, but no agreement on a single legal basis.” NATO members violated its statutes, international law and constitutions, and member state laws. ICTY has “appropriately addressed and dismissed” “all questions about the conduct of NATO operations”, but criminals don’t prosecute themselves, not through institutions they‘ve created; ICTY has rejected cases of violations of the laws and customs of war during NATO bombing. 
All sides of recent Balkan conflicts have committed mass crimes, but propaganda prays on Serbs. Mostly Serbs have lost ancestral lands, incl. their Kosovo craddle. Because no group could claim exclusive territorial jurisdiction, Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia violated constitutional provisions for lawful secessions. A million Serbs in Croatia, Sarajevo, Dubrovnik, Kosovo and in other places, and significantly fewer persons on the other sides, were expelled, suffering also the largest religious losses of all groups. Mosques were built on territories conquered by Bosnian and Albanian Muslims. Damaged and destroyed Orthodox churches were converted to Catholic in Croatia. Still unpunished anti-Serb mass crimes are more severe than Serb crimes. Tens of thousands civilians died on all sides. Bosnian Muslims‘ civilian and military casualties were the largest since they faught other Muslims beside heavily armed Serbs and Croats. The radical Muslim regime sacrificed own civilians and military false-flag style, to gain Western support. Bosnian Muslim military committed significantly more violence on Serb civilians than Bosnian Serb military did on Muslim civilians, partly due to incorporation of mujahedin and silence of JPC media.
External actors (US, Western Europe, global radical Islam and Vatican) cover up the hostilities they have covertly supported and steered with economic sanctions and fail-by-design diplomacy and justice. They helped agitate pent-up hatred, provided covert military aid despite embargoes, and fuelled the confrontations, resembling the death squad policy in other regions. Neo-fascism, radical nationalism and militant Jihad, as if resurrected from WWII, turned against Serbs, albeit with lesser casualties. No comparable ideology can be identified as the cause of Serb violence. “Greater Serbianism” is a fabrication; Serbs defended their rights in ancestral homelands, but were coerced into admission of genocide.
JPC-orchestrated, Western military interventions, and selective support to Serb’s enemies, tested “Balkanization of the globe”. The West didn’t win Balkan “humanitarian interventions”, but diplomatic, economic, and propagandist warfare effectively exploited false humanitarian pretexts: death camps (Trnopolje) and mass rape, inflated (Srebrenica) and falsified massacres (Račak), non-existent ethnic cleansing (Kosovo Albanians), and alleged threat to own nationhood (ethnic cleansing of Krajina and Western Slavonia). Since the other hoaxes have collapsed, the Srebrenica “genocide” is the most abused case.
Politicized ICTY trials unsuccessfully charged Serb genocide and ethnic cleansing. The villains and backers manipulated the evidence and obstructed justice, jeopardizing reconciliation. Lacking proofs for other allegations, the “international community” pressured the Serbs to confess Srebrenica. Muslim “victims” claimed indemnity through ICJ, whose ruling (26.2.2007) exonerated Serbia from genocide and ethnic cleansing charges, effectively disproving interventionist rationales. Pro-interventionist politicians and professionals who demonized the victims and covered up the villains, should be prosecuted, also for harming the Serb nation mentally via demonizations and indirectly via attacks on civilians. Expelled Serbs may litigate for personal and property losses, once Balkan states join EU, who may react with revisionism and justice manipulation.
Infowar demonized Serbs, suppressed a debate, and assassinated opponents’ characters, legitimizing crimes. It reversed the victim-villain roles and re-directed guilt to cover up own crimes, escape responsibility, draw material (territory, money) and moral gains, and prepare for more violence. International institutions for peace and justice participated: ICTY, UN, OSCE, and NGOs, all funded by JPC and lesser vested interests. Propaganda brushed aside anti-Serb mass crimes: repeated ethnic cleansing in Croatia; expulsion from Sarajevo; Orić’s massacres around Srebrenica; bombing Serbia’s civilians and infrastructure; NATO use of radioactive and other illegal weapons (bunker busters, cluster bombs graphite bombs); and, NATO-UN-EU-supported ethnic cleansing of Kosovo and failure to protect Kosovo population under UNMIK-KFOR-Eulex, incl. extraction and trade in human organs from kidnapped Kosovo persons and sex slaves. Abundant and clear evidence shows intent, plan and execution of mass crimes in NATO Operation Allied Force and Croat Lightning and Storm, and cleansing of Kosovo non-Albanians. Pogroms and expulsions of Serbs, NATO bombing “to the stone age” and releases of chemicals, and use of illegal weapons fall under humanitarian law and Article 2 (c) (Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part); and (d) (Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group).
Cross-case and research-related
JPC-designed and -supported Balkan policy have harmed Serbs and their Orthodoxy as much as Western Christianity and civilisation. Support to Jihad against GWOT policy, creation of Islamist states and harming Orthodoxy in the Balkans threaten regional stability and prepare for destabilisation of Europe, like the biased immigration policy, instigated Muslim riots and Operation Danish Cartoons do. A vestige of Christianity still uncorrupted by JPC, Orthodoxy is a Judeocentric target since Bolshevik genocide on Russians and Ukrainians, and Young Turks’ genocide on Armenians, Assyrians and Greeks. It mirrors the WWII hate of Orthodox Jews that Zionists have annihilated in Shoah with Nazi hands.
IMF and World Bank prescriptions prior to destabilisation of a target country induce hyperinflation and harshen poverty, hightening inter-group tensions. Then selective covert arming, death squads and false-flag terror enter to precipitate civil war. Superiority ideology. and the hate it bears, underpin mass violence. Dehumanization and demonization legitimize crimes under consent of public opinion. Post-crime propaganda reverses the victim-villain roles – to cover up own crimes, escape responsibility, draw material and moral gains, and prepare for more crimes.
Academics and professionals in public information, administration, law enforcement and justice are ethically responsible for upholding truth, but they support criminal policies. By making decisions based on deceptions, statesmen act as revisionists and instigators of mass violence. International institutions promoting peace and justice engage in the deceptions that hinder, if not close reconciliation opportunities. Young generation will not rid itself of hatred if it is fed lies and negative revisions to own history, or if it receives positive feedback about the crimes committed. Infowar and political manipulation entrench pre-conceptions and bias; grants and peer review processes make academia toe the line. Genocide research needs enforcement of objectivity. Research into external control and support by power centres such as JPC, is instrumental in mass violence prevention. Those who influence media and evidence, are behind mass violence planning and support.
Negative revisionism is effective when the ex-villains are in power and call a truth-teller “revisionist” and “denier”. Shifts in regional and global power structures spell historical revisionism. Regime changes rearrange power relationships, often re-defining past mass violence issues, some of which (victim-villain role reversal, negative revisionism, restitutionism and retributionism) call for re-examination of the process framework of the International Comparative Genocide Research. An objective mass crime watch must monitor diplomatic and propaganda developments, since current JPC policies create future conflict and mass violence potential globally, but academics and activists are powerless against JPC. Mass violence needs a better definition, exploration and prosecution. Does it include: (a) material, religious and institutional conquest and subjugation; (b) multi-generational stigma of a group harmed physically; (c) moral and psychological violence imposed on a victim nation by revisionism and role reversal; and (d) “legalistic violence” through politicized justice institutions, e.g. ICTY and ICJ?
Constitutional provisions for an orderly secession, see: Ministry of Information of the Republic of Serbia The Creation and Changes of the Internal Borders of Yugoslavia 1994
Bein, Piotr “Judeocentrics and Mass Crimes” in Scherrer, Christian (ed.) Genocide and Mass Violence in Eurasia. Comparative Genocide Studies 3. Moers: IFEK‑IRECOR 2008
Bein, Piotr NATO na Bałkanach self‑published 2006 ISBN 0‑9780543‑0‑X
“Judeocentrics and Mass Crimes” op cit
Dedijer, Vladimir The Yugoslav Auschwitz and the Vatican NY: Prometheus 1988; (banned by Vatican) Manhattan, Avro The Vatican’s Holocaust Springfield: Ozark Books 1986 at www.srpska‑mreza.com/library/facts/manhattan‑vatican.html
Naubacher, Herman Sonderauftrag Südosten 1940-1945 Gottingen 1956 p 31
Naubacher, Herman Genocide in Satellite Croatia 1941-1945
Novak, Victor Magnum Crimen Zagreb 1948
Byrne, Johnny at www.srpska‑mreza.com/Croatia/great‑Nazis.html
Savich, Carl “Another Side of the Pope” at www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=523
Gaffney, Starchevitch and McHugh citted by Butler op cit
“The Case of Archbishop Stepinac” Washington: Yugoslav Embassy 1947, quoted in Carl Savich, “Another Side of the Pope” 9.4.2005 at www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=print&sid=523
E.g. Der Freiwillige at www.vho.org/D/Freiwillige
San Francisco Chronicle 5.4.1994
Copley, Gregory in ISSA Balkan Strategic Studies Special Report 31.12.1992
Dorich, William to Washington Post 15.2.2002 at www.mail‑email@example.com/msg02232.html
Byrne op cit
Byrne op cit
Broadcast on Croat Radio 26.8.1995
Liborius, Soren in Victims of Croat Agression to the Republic of Serb Krayina at www.veritas.org.yu/publikacije/Oluja/Tekstovi/oluja.htm
Early September 1995 classified report cited by Fisk, Robert in Independent 4.9.1995
Byrne op cit
Copley, Gregory in ISSA Balkan Strategic Studies Special Report 31.12.1992
BBC Monitoring 21.12.2005 from Croatian Radio 19.12.2005
Bein, Piotr and Pągowski, Stefan “Revisonism, Role‑reversal and Restitutions” in Scherrer op cit
Washington Post 10.3.1996
Interview with former Canadian ambassador Bissett, Joe 5.5.2006 at www.electricpolitics.com/podcast/2006/05/peace_practitioner.html
Netherlands Institute for War Documentation “Srebrenica” 2002 at http://220.127.116.11/srebrenica/
Sherman, Alfred international conference America’s Intervention in the Balkans, Chicago 1997 at www.srpska‑mreza.com/library/hague/sherman‑97.html
De Groene Amsterdammer 13.3.1996; Ibisević, Hata testimony in “Report about Case Srebrenica” Banja Luka: Bureau of Government of Republic of Srpska for Relations with ICTY, September 2002 p 14
Quoted in Savich, Carl “Srebrenica” at www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/065.shtml
French National Assembly Srebrenica Vol 2 p 140‑154 in Collon, Michel at http://news.serbianunity.net/bydate/2006/March_13/29.html
Washington Post 16.2.1994; Toronto Star 16.7.1995
Večernje Novosti 30.6.2005
Both quotes: French National Assembly op cit
UN report 28‑29.11.1993 quoted by Collon op cit
Report of the Secretary General Pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 53/35, A/54/549, 15.11.1999 p 33
Netherlands Institute for War Documentation op cit Part III Chapter 7 Section 16
ICTY, IT‑98‑33‑T 2.8.2001 p 25
Srebrenica Research Group Srebrenica and the Politics of War Crimes 11.7.2005 at www.srebrenica‑report.com/conclusions.htm
Mandel, Michael How America Gets Away With Murder Pluto Press 2004 p 152‑160; www.electricpolitics.com/2006/05/milosevics_death_in_the_propag.html p 155‑156
Savich “Srebrenica” op cit
Petković, Milan, Federation of American Scientists 1998 at www.fas.org/irp/world/para/docs/980000‑kla‑petkovic‑terror.htm ; D&FA 2.5.2005, 20.6.2005, 11.7.2005; D&FA Special Report July 2005
Kent, Raymond open letter to Congress 5.7.2005
Associated Press 26.6.2005
Wilcoxson, Andy 5.6.2005 at www.slobodan-Milosevic.org
Johnson, Ian June 2005 at http://www.artel.co.yu/en/izbor/jugoslavija/2005‑07‑05.html
Politika 27‑28.2.2006. At 20,000 Bosnian Muslim civilians killed by Serbs (90,000 dead, 70% Muslims, 1/3 in the hands of Serbs), the average claim would be several million US dollars per victim.
Kouchner, Bernard Les Guerriers de la Paix Paris: Grasset 2004
UNSC resolutions 770 and 771 13.8.1992
LM (97) 1997
LM (102) July‑August 1997
http://usinfo.state.gov/eur/Archive/2006/Jan/03‑735048.html ; total figure was about 98,000 by early 2007
Scherrer, Christian “Options for Transitional Justice in Bosnia-Herzegovina” 2005 p 46
ISSA Balkan Strategic Studies Special Report 31.12.1992
Tabeau, Ewa and Bijak, Jakub in European J. of Population Vol 21 June 2005 p 187‑215
Herman, Edward and Peterson, David “Milosevic’s Death” at www.electricpolitics.com/2006/05/milosevics_death_in_the_propag.html
Razumovsky, Dorothea in Bittermann, Klaus (ed.) Serbia Must Die Belgrade 1996 p 91
Muslim women wear white scarfs at mourning.
Skewed reporting was called Potemkin’s Sarajevo. 18th century Russian marshal Potemkin organized Catherine II inspection of lands. Villages were decorations being moved ahead of the Empress‘ entourage.
Vuković, Željko in Serbia Must Die op cit p 159‑160
Quoted in Vuković op cit p 158
Ridder, Knight of Reuters (22.5.1999) reported ten boats nightly leaving Albanian port Vlore to Italy with a daily bounty of Kosovo women.
“Hiding Genocide” op cit
Mail on Sunday 3.1.1993
Daily Mirror 4.1.1993
Alexander, Shana in Capital Times 23.3.2000
UN document S24491 18.12.1992
Dorich, William open letter to US senator Dianne Feinstein 30.4.1997 at www.balkan‑archive.org.yu/kosta/pisma/dorich.30iv97a.html
Olsen, Jane at Santa Monica College, California 31.3.1993
Albanian view: Vesilind, Pritt in National Geographic February 2000. Serb view: Terzić, Slavenko “Kosovo, Serbian Issue and the Greater Albania Project” SANU
Johnson, Raphael in Culture Wars January 2009
Limanowska, Barbara “Trafficking in Human Beings in South Eastern Europe” UNDP March 2005; National Criminal Intelligence Service (UK) 2003 Report; UN Office On Drugs and Crime World Drug Report 2005; Sunday Times 9.4.2006
Admiral Lyons, James in Washington Times 9.5.2006
Luković, Miloš Kryzys kosowski oczyma Serbów Belgrade: Todra 2000 p 44‑45
Savich, Carl at www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/
Luković op cit
Chomsky, Noam in Al Ahram 18‑24.5.2000 based on data in NATO, OSCE and UN reports
Savich, Carl at www.serbianna.com/columns/savich/073.shtml
Junge Welt 24.4.1999
Baldwin, Clive “Minority Rights in Kosovo under International Rule” Minority Rights Group International 2006
Sherman op cit
Norris, John Collision Course Praeger 2005, quoted by Deliso, Chris at www.balkanalysis.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=540
Dow Jones Newswires 23.2.2006
Fox News 23.5.1999
Short’s statement 12.5.1999 in International Herald Tribune 14.5.1999 after seven weeks of bombing
NYT 6.4.1999, 9.4.1999, 23.4.1999, 4.5.1999, 11.5.1999
ICRC News 9.3.2006
ICTY, IT‑99‑37‑I Kosovo Schedules A–G, 22.5.1999
ERP KiM 20.3.2004, 10.4.2004
Christian Science Monitor 17.11.2003
ERP KiM 4.11.2003
Copley, Gregory in D&FA 19.3.2004, D&FA 15.10.2003
NYT 18.3.2004; Reuters 18.3.2004; Washington Times 19.3.2004; Tanjug 5.4.2004
Beta 27.3.2004; Glas Javnosti 27.3.2004
Herman, Edward and Peterson, David at http://www.coldtype.net/Assets.04/Essays.04/YugoTrib.pdf
NATO spokesman Shea, Jamie in Federal News Service 17.5.1999
Mandel, Michael How America Gets Away With Murder Pluto Press 2004 p 126, 152‑160
Owen, David Balkan Odyssey NY: Harcourt Brace 1995 p 112‑120
Collins, Mick at http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2006/5/3/1930975.html ; ww.prisonplanet.com/articles/march2006/140306_b_Milosevic.htm
Chicago Tribune 23.5.1999
ANP English News Bulletin 27.7.1995
Mandel op cit p 132‑134
CNN transcript 99052703V54, 27.5.1999
UK Ministry of Defense Briefing 20.4.1999
ICTY, JL/PIU/404‑E, 27.5.1999
ICTY, PR/P.I.S./510‑e, 13.6.2000
Mandel op cit p 189‑190
Berliner Zeitung 17.1.2001
Ranta, Helena, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Finland 17.3.1999 at http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/eur/balkans/kosovo/racak.htm
Rainio et al in Forensic Science International (116) 15.2.2001
E.g.: LID (special edition) at www.srpska‑mreza.com/ddj/Racak/Tiker/RacakFile.html; Dunjić, D. in abstracts 26.4.1999 Serbian Anthropological Society and Belgrade City Library at www.computec‑int.com/bsc/war/archives/victims.htm#abuse
Le Figaro 20.1.1999; Le Monde 21.1.1999
ICTY, IT‑01‑50‑I Croatia 8.10.2001; ICTY, IT‑01‑51‑I Bosnia and Herzegovina 22.11.2001
“Milosevic’s Death” op cit
“Speech by Slobodan Milosevich” NTIS, US Department of Commerce at www.balkanpeace.org/cib/kam/kams/kams19.shtml
Economist 5.6.1999; NYT 28.7.2006
Holbrooke, Richard To End a War 1999 p 29
“Milosevic’s Death” op cit
Russia Today 29.8.2008
Pumphrey, George at http://globalresistance.com/articles/pumphrey/Srebrenica.html
ICTY prosecution witness Jović, Borisav
Pumphrey op cit
ICJ Judgement of 26.2.2007 at www.icj‑cij.org/icjwww/idocket/ibhy/ibhyjudgment/ibhy_ijudgment_20070226_frame.htm
Quoted in Savich “Srebrenica” op cit
ICJ Press Release 2007/8 at www.icj‑cij.org/icjwww/ipresscom/ipress2007/ipresscom_2007‑8_bhy_200702026.htm
Rockler, Walter in Chicago Tribune 23.5.1999
See section ICTY and the term genocide
SRNA 2.3.2007 in BBC Monitoring at
ICJ Press Communique 99/23 2.6.1999 at http://www.converge.org.nz/pma/icj.htm
Kent, Raymond “Nationalisms and the absolute corruptibility of imagined absolute power” 7.10.2000
Yugoslav data: NATO lost 61 planes, 7 choppers, 30 UAVs and 238 cruise missiles, excl. machines that crashed outside Yugoslavia, e.g. RAF C‑130K Hercules transport plane crashed in Albania (11.6.1999) with British SAS unit onboard to beat Russian paratroopers to Slatina: http://www.aeronautics.ru/nws002/natolosses‑review01.htm ; sightings of downed NATO machines, official statements by NATO and Yugoslavia, and loss‑related classified and unconfirmed reports, at http://www.aeronautics.ru/analysis‑pdf.htm
Headquarters, Department of the Army Field Manual 100‑6: Information Operations Washington: USGPO 27.8.1996
Joint Chiefs of Staff JCS Publication 1, Glossary Department of Defense Military and Associated Terms, Department of Defense 1987
Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Joint Publication 3‑53, Joint Doctrine for Psychological Operations Washington DC: USGPO 10.7.1996
Neue Zürcher Zeitung 30.3.2000
Joint Chiefs of Staff op cit
Washington Post 10.11.2002
“War Spin” CBC series With Passionate Eye 25.5.2003
San Francisco Chronicle 30.3.1999
Kellner, Douglas quoted by Kesić, Obrad in Bittermann, Klaus (ed.) Serbia Must Die Belgrade 1996 p 99
“Milosevic’s Death” op cit
ICTY case IT‑98‑33 versus Krstić, Radislav
Byrne op cit
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 18.1.1992
Gen. Panić, Yugoslav military chief of staff, in ISSA op cit
Malic, Nebojsa at www.antiwar.com/Malic/?articleid=8179
Expulsions of Serbs from Croatia: Serb Western Slavonia and Serb Krayina Cetinje: Svetigora 1998; Ivić, Pavle and Krestić, Vasilje (eds) Persecution of Serbs and Ethnic Cleansing in Croatia 1991‑1998 Belgrade: Serbian Council Info. Centre 1998; http://www.veritas.org.yu
A 1942 pamphlet for those responsible for the selection, by the Race and Settlement Head Office of the Third Reich.
A collection by Piročanac, Zoran Petrović, large sample in Polish at www.gavagai.pl/nato/zniszczy.htm
Mihailović, Kosta and Krestić, Vasilije Answers to Criticisms Belgrade: SANU 1995 at www.balkan‑archive.org.yu/kosta/memorandum/contents.html
“Speech by Slobodan Milosevich” op cit
“Milosevic’s Death” op cit
Hammond, Philip and Herman, Edward (eds) Degraded Capability London and Sterling: Pluto Press 2000
Wiebes, Cees quoted by O’Neill, Brendan 23.1.2004 at http://www.spiked-online.com/Articles/0000000CA374.htm
Serbia Must Die op cit
Deichmann ibid p 198, 202
Srebrenica Research Group op cit
Trifkovic, Srdja Ustaša London: Lord Byron Foundation for Balkan Studies 1998 p 6
Serbia Must Die op cit p 199‑200
Author of five books on the Balkans, publisher of GMBooks (who published Peter Brock’s Media Cleansing: Dirty Reporting).
Thomas Jefferson Award for Outstanding Scholarship recipient at Vanderbilt University where he taught for several decades, a diplomat in Belgrade after the Holocaust, and the author of ten books on the Balkans.
In NYT Washington bureau 1973‑retirement in 1996, Balkan reporting until 2004. 1989 finalist nominee Pulitzer Prize competition for Public Service, Southern Journalism Award for Investigative Reporting (Duke University), Washington Journalism Center’s Thomas L. Stokes Award for Environmental Reporting and 15 other distinctions.
Gossett, Sherrie in CNSNews.com 22.3.2006
Kiernan, Benedict in Scherrer, Christian (ed.) Genocide and Mass Violence in the 20th and 21st Centuries. An Introduction Hiroshima/Moers: IRECOR 2005
Hoare, Marko Attila at www.opendemocracy.net/debates/article.jsp?id=2&debateId=42&articleId=3355
NYT 23.3.2002 and ibid
Jones, Adam in Scherrer (ed.) op cit p 138
“Hiding Genocide” op cit
Tanaka, Yuki in Scherrer op cit p 207‑208, 212
Serbian Council Information Center 15.1.1993 at www.balkan‑archive.org.yu/kosta/bosna/b‑rape_of_serbs‑150193‑Serbian_council.html
Mendenhall, Preston at www.msnbc.com/news/667790.asp; National Criminal Intelligence Service 2003 Report Section 4.30; Guardian 23.12.2002; BBC 14.6.2002; Insight Magazine 14.1.2002; Washington Post 24.4.2000; Seattle Times 24.3.2000
Lopusina, Marko at www.serbianna.com/columns/lopusina/084.shtml
Perkins, John Confessions of an Economic Hit Man
Chossudovsky, Michel at http://globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=7705
Le Nouvel Observatuer 31.8.1995
Wiebes, Cees Intelligence and the War in Bosnia, Lit Verlag 2003
Sray, John in Daily Telegraph 2.6.1995.
Jane’s Defence Weekly 14.2.1996
Wiebes op cit p 159-162, 166-167
US House Republican Policy Committee 26.4.1996
Wiebes op cit p 176
Wiebes quoted by O’Neill op cit
Netherlands Institute for War Documentation op cit
Chossudovsky, Michel at www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=8055; National Post 15.3.2002; Wall Street Journal 1.11.2001; BBC Monitoring International Reports 17.1.2005 after Dani 14.1.2005; Kohlman, Evan Al‑Qaida’s Jihad in Europe 2004; Times 31.8.2000; AFP 24.9.1999; Tanjug 16.12.1997; US Senate Republican Policy Committee,16.1.1997; Bodansky, Yossef and Forrest,Vaughn, Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare, House Republican Research Committee 1.9.1992
Wiebes op cit p 207
Wiebes quoted by O’Neill op cit
NYT 9.6.1998; Ottawa Citizen 15.12.2001
Netherlands Institute for War Documentation op cit
Wall Street Journal Europe 1.11.2001
Daily Telegraph 18.4.1999
Taylor, Scott Diary of an Uncivil War Esprit de Corps 2002 p 120‑121
Scotland on Sunday 24.10.2004; Washington Post 26.5.1998
“Kosovo and the Holocaust” op cit
Works, Ben at www.FreeRepublic.com/forum/a377cf8ed23c1.htm
“Kosovo and the Holocaust” op cit
Front Page Magazine 31.1.2008
Raimondo, Justin at www.antiwar.com/justin/?articleid=3669
USA Today 16.6.1992
Madsen, Wayne in CounterPunch 15.2.2003
Merlino, Jacques in Serbia Must Die op cit
National Post 23.11.1998
LaPorte, Erin at www.agitprop.org.au/stopnato/20000105crimlapo.php
Stover, Eric and Peress, Gilles The Graves: Srebrenica and Vukovar Berlin: Scalo 1998
Thomas, Raju at www.srpska‑mreza.com/WarCrime/dehumanizing.html
Retired German general, an advisor in OSCE, Loquai, D. Heinz in his book The Kosovo Conflict
“Keine Anhaltspunkte für Verfolgung” op cit
“The Dakovica Case” at www.aeronautics.ru/archive/ekke
E.g. ICTY ruling cited at www.aeronautics.ru/archive/ekke
Bein, Piotr and Zorić, Predrag at international conference Facts about Depleted Uranium, Praha 24‑25.11.2001 at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/du‑watch/files/DUPraha.doc
Morales, Jose Luis in Articulo 20 14.6.1999
 At least one type of bombs with uranium metal shields was tested in Montenegro: Williams, Dai at www.eoslifework.co.uk/du2012.htm
NATO dropped anti‑personnel bomblets BLU‑97B on civilians in Niš and other locations. The bomblet possibly contains uranium metal; www.fas.org/man/dod‑101/sys/dumb/cbu‑87.htm
Bomblet BLU‑114B short‑circuits electrical installations with graphite fibres; www.fas.org/man/dod‑101/sys/dumb/blu‑114.htm
In the context of uranium weapons: Bein, Piotr and Parker, Kaeren in Politics and Environmental Policy in the 21st Century Faculty of Political Sciences, U. of Belgrade at
Bein, Piotr “Operation Danish Cartoons” at http://www.wirtualnapolonia.com/kresy/opinie.asp?opinia=322